Gibbon's The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire
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Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church. -- Part VII.
The cruel and arbitrary disposition of Constantius, which did not always
require the provocations of guilt and resistance, was justly exasperated
by the tumults of his capital, and the criminal behavior of a faction,
which opposed the authority and religion of their sovereign. The
ordinary punishments of death, exile, and confiscation, were inflicted
with partial vigor; and the Greeks still revere the holy memory of two
clerks, a reader, and a sub-deacon, who were accused of the murder of
Hermogenes, and beheaded at the gates of Constantinople. By an edict of
Constantius against the Catholics which has not been judged worthy of a
place in the Theodosian code, those who refused to communicate with the
Arian bishops, and particularly with Macedonius, were deprived of the
immunities of ecclesiastics, and of the rights of Christians; they were
compelled to relinquish the possession of the churches; and were
strictly prohibited from holding their assemblies within the walls of
the city. The execution of this unjust law, in the provinces of Thrace
and Asia Minor, was committed to the zeal of Macedonius; the civil and
military powers were directed to obey his commands; and the cruelties
exercised by this Semi-Arian tyrant in the support of the Homoiousion,
exceeded the commission, and disgraced the reign, of Constantius. The
sacraments of the church were administered to the reluctant victims, who
denied the vocation, and abhorred the principles, of Macedonius. The
rites of baptism were conferred on women and children, who, for that
purpose, had been torn from the arms of their friends and parents; the
mouths of the communicants were held open by a wooden engine, while the
consecrated bread was forced down their throat; the breasts of tender
virgins were either burnt with red-hot egg-shells, or inhumanly
compressed between sharp and heavy boards. The Novatians of
Constantinople and the adjacent country, by their firm attachment to the
Homoousian standard, deserved to be confounded with the Catholics
themselves. Macedonius was informed, that a large district of
Paphlagonia was almost entirely inhabited by those sectaries. He
resolved either to convert or to extirpate them; and as he distrusted,
on this occasion, the efficacy of an ecclesiastical mission, he
commanded a body of four thousand legionaries to march against the
rebels, and to reduce the territory of Mantinium under his spiritual
dominion. The Novatian peasants, animated by despair and religious fury,
boldly encountered the invaders of their country; and though many of the
Paphlagonians were slain, the Roman legions were vanquished by an
irregular multitude, armed only with scythes and axes; and, except a few
who escaped by an ignominious flight, four thousand soldiers were left
dead on the field of battle. The successor of Constantius has expressed,
in a concise but lively manner, some of the theological calamities which
afflicted the empire, and more especially the East, in the reign of a
prince who was the slave of his own passions, and of those of his
eunuchs: "Many were imprisoned, and persecuted, and driven into exile.
Whole troops of those who are styled heretics, were massacred,
particularly at Cyzicus, and at Samosata. In Paphlagonia, Bithynia,
Galatia, and in many other provinces, towns and villages were laid
waste, and utterly destroyed.
While the flames of the Arian controversy consumed the vitals of the
empire, the African provinces were infested by their peculiar enemies,
the savage fanatics, who, under the name of Circumcellions, formed the
strength and scandal of the Donatist party. The severe execution of the
laws of Constantine had excited a spirit of discontent and resistance,
the strenuous efforts of his son Constans, to restore the unity of the
church, exasperated the sentiments of mutual hatred, which had first
occasioned the separation; and the methods of force and corruption
employed by the two Imperial commissioners, Paul and Macarius, furnished
the schismatics with a specious contrast between the maxims of the
apostles and the conduct of their pretended successors. The peasants who
inhabited the villages of Numidia and Mauritania, were a ferocious race,
who had been imperfectly reduced under the authority of the Roman laws;
who were imperfectly converted to the Christian faith; but who were
actuated by a blind and furious enthusiasm in the cause of their
Donatist teachers. They indignantly supported the exile of their
bishops, the demolition of their churches, and the interruption of their
secret assemblies. The violence of the officers of justice, who were
usually sustained by a military guard, was sometimes repelled with equal
violence; and the blood of some popular ecclesiastics, which had been
shed in the quarrel, inflamed their rude followers with an eager desire
of revenging the death of these holy martyrs. By their own cruelty and
rashness, the ministers of persecution sometimes provoked their fate;
and the guilt of an accidental tumult precipitated the criminals into
despair and rebellion. Driven from their native villages, the Donatist
peasants assembled in formidable gangs on the edge of the Getulian
desert; and readily exchanged the habits of labor for a life of idleness
and rapine, which was consecrated by the name of religion, and faintly
condemned by the doctors of the sect. The leaders of the Circumcellions
assumed the title of captains of the saints; their principal weapon, as
they were indifferently provided with swords and spears, was a huge and
weighty club, which they termed an Israelite; and the well-known sound
of "Praise be to God," which they used as their cry of war, diffused
consternation over the unarmed provinces of Africa. At first their
depredations were colored by the plea of necessity; but they soon
exceeded the measure of subsistence, indulged without control their
intemperance and avarice, burnt the villages which they had pillaged,
and reigned the licentious tyrants of the open country. The occupations
of husbandry, and the administration of justice, were interrupted; and
as the Circumcellions pretended to restore the primitive equality of
mankind, and to reform the abuses of civil society, they opened a secure
asylum for the slaves and debtors, who flocked in crowds to their holy
standard. When they were not resisted, they usually contented themselves
with plunder, but the slightest opposition provoked them to acts of
violence and murder; and some Catholic priests, who had imprudently
signalized their zeal, were tortured by the fanatics with the most
refined and wanton barbarity. The spirit of the Circumcellions was not
always exerted against their defenceless enemies; they engaged, and
sometimes defeated, the troops of the province; and in the bloody action
of Bagai, they attacked in the open field, but with unsuccessful valor,
an advanced guard of the Imperial cavalry. The Donatists who were taken
in arms, received, and they soon deserved, the same treatment which
might have been shown to the wild beasts of the desert. The captives
died, without a murmur, either by the sword, the axe, or the fire; and
the measures of retaliation were multiplied in a rapid proportion, which
aggravated the horrors of rebellion, and excluded the hope of mutual
forgiveness. In the beginning of the present century, the example of the
Circumcellions has been renewed in the persecution, the boldness, the
crimes, and the enthusiasm of the Camisards; and if the fanatics of
Languedoc surpassed those of Numidia, by their military achievements,
the Africans maintained their fierce independence with more resolution
and perseverance.
Such disorders are the natural effects of religious tyranny, but the
rage of the Donatists was inflamed by a frenzy of a very extraordinary
kind; and which, if it really prevailed among them in so extravagant a
degree, cannot surely be paralleled in any country or in any age. Many
of these fanatics were possessed with the horror of life, and the desire
of martyrdom; and they deemed it of little moment by what means, or by
what hands, they perished, if their conduct was sanctified by the
intention of devoting themselves to the glory of the true faith, and the
hope of eternal happiness. Sometimes they rudely disturbed the
festivals, and profaned the temples of Paganism, with the design of
exciting the most zealous of the idolaters to revenge the insulted honor
of their gods. They sometimes forced their way into the courts of
justice, and compelled the affrighted judge to give orders for their
immediate execution. They frequently stopped travellers on the public
highways, and obliged them to inflict the stroke of martyrdom, by the
promise of a reward, if they consented, and by the threat of instant
death, if they refused to grant so very singular a favor. When they were
disappointed of every other resource, they announced the day on which,
in the presence of their friends and brethren, they should east
themselves headlong from some lofty rock; and many precipices were
shown, which had acquired fame by the number of religious suicides. In
the actions of these desperate enthusiasts, who were admired by one
party as the martyrs of God, and abhorred by the other as the victims of
Satan, an impartial philosopher may discover the influence and the last
abuse of that inflexible spirit which was originally derived from the
character and principles of the Jewish nation.
The simple narrative of the intestine divisions, which distracted the
peace, and dishonored the triumph, of the church, will confirm the
remark of a Pagan historian, and justify the complaint of a venerable
bishop. The experience of Ammianus had convinced him, that the enmity of
the Christians towards each other, surpassed the fury of savage beasts
against man; and Gregory Nazianzen most pathetically laments, that the
kingdom of heaven was converted, by discord, into the image of chaos, of
a nocturnal tempest, and of hell itself. The fierce and partial writers
of the times, ascribing all virtue to themselves, and imputing all guilt
to their adversaries, have painted the battle of the angels and dæmons.
Our calmer reason will reject such pure and perfect monsters of vice or
sanctity, and will impute an equal, or at least an indiscriminate,
measure of good and evil to the hostile sectaries, who assumed and
bestowed the appellations of orthodox and heretics. They had been
educated in the same religion and the same civil society. Their hopes
and fears in the present, or in a future life, were balanced in the same
proportion. On either side, the error might be innocent, the faith
sincere, the practice meritorious or corrupt. Their passions were
excited by similar objects; and they might alternately abuse the favor
of the court, or of the people. The metaphysical opinions of the
Athanasians and the Arians could not influence their moral character;
and they were alike actuated by the intolerant spirit which has been
extracted from the pure and simple maxims of the gospel.
A modern writer, who, with a just confidence, has prefixed to his own
history the honorable epithets of political and philosophical, accuses
the timid prudence of Montesquieu, for neglecting to enumerate, among
the causes of the decline of the empire, a law of Constantine, by which
the exercise of the Pagan worship was absolutely suppressed, and a
considerable part of his subjects was left destitute of priests, of
temples, and of any public religion. The zeal of the philosophic
historian for the rights of mankind, has induced him to acquiesce in the
ambiguous testimony of those ecclesiastics, who have too lightly
ascribed to their favorite hero the merit of a general persecution.
Instead of alleging this imaginary law, which would have blazed in the
front of the Imperial codes, we may safely appeal to the original
epistle, which Constantine addressed to the followers of the ancient
religion; at a time when he no longer disguised his conversion, nor
dreaded the rivals of his throne. He invites and exhorts, in the most
pressing terms, the subjects of the Roman empire to imitate the example
of their master; but he declares, that those who still refuse to open
their eyes to the celestial light, may freely enjoy their temples and
their fancied gods. A report, that the ceremonies of paganism were
suppressed, is formally contradicted by the emperor himself, who wisely
assigns, as the principle of his moderation, the invincible force of
habit, of prejudice, and of superstition. Without violating the sanctity
of his promise, without alarming the fears of the Pagans, the artful
monarch advanced, by slow and cautious steps, to undermine the irregular
and decayed fabric of polytheism. The partial acts of severity which he
occasionally exercised, though they were secretly promoted by a
Christian zeal, were colored by the fairest pretences of justice and the
public good; and while Constantine designed to ruin the foundations, he
seemed to reform the abuses, of the ancient religion. After the example
of the wisest of his predecessors, he condemned, under the most rigorous
penalties, the occult and impious arts of divination; which excited the
vain hopes, and sometimes the criminal attempts, of those who were
discontented with their present condition. An ignominious silence was
imposed on the oracles, which had been publicly convicted of fraud and
falsehood; the effeminate priests of the Nile were abolished; and
Constantine discharged the duties of a Roman censor, when he gave orders
for the demolition of several temples of Phnicia; in which every mode of
prostitution was devoutly practised in the face of day, and to the honor
of Venus. The Imperial city of Constantinople was, in some measure,
raised at the expense, and was adorned with the spoils, of the opulent
temples of Greece and Asia; the sacred property was confiscated; the
statues of gods and heroes were transported, with rude familiarity,
among a people who considered them as objects, not of adoration, but of
curiosity; the gold and silver were restored to circulation; and the
magistrates, the bishops, and the eunuchs, improved the fortunate
occasion of gratifying, at once, their zeal, their avarice, and their
resentment. But these depredations were confined to a small part of the
Roman world; and the provinces had been long since accustomed to endure
the same sacrilegious rapine, from the tyranny of princes and
proconsuls, who could not be suspected of any design to subvert the
established religion.
The sons of Constantine trod in the footsteps of their father, with more
zeal, and with less discretion. The pretences of rapine and oppression
were insensibly multiplied; every indulgence was shown to the illegal
behavior of the Christians; every doubt was explained to the
disadvantage of Paganism; and the demolition of the temples was
celebrated as one of the auspicious events of the reign of Constans and
Constantius. The name of Constantius is prefixed to a concise law, which
might have superseded the necessity of any future prohibitions. "It is
our pleasure, that in all places, and in all cities, the temples be
immediately shut, and carefully guarded, that none may have the power of
offending. It is likewise our pleasure, that all our subjects should
abstain from sacrifices. If any one should be guilty of such an act, let
him feel the sword of vengeance, and after his execution, let his
property be confiscated to the public use. We denounce the same
penalties against the governors of the provinces, if they neglect to
punish the criminals." But there is the strongest reason to believe,
that this formidable edict was either composed without being published,
or was published without being executed. The evidence of facts, and the
monuments which are still extant of brass and marble, continue to prove
the public exercise of the Pagan worship during the whole reign of the
sons of Constantine. In the East, as well as in the West, in cities, as
well as in the country, a great number of temples were respected, or at
least were spared; and the devout multitude still enjoyed the luxury of
sacrifices, of festivals, and of processions, by the permission, or by
the connivance, of the civil government. About four years after the
supposed date of this bloody edict, Constantius visited the temples of
Rome; and the decency of his behavior is recommended by a pagan orator
as an example worthy of the imitation of succeeding princes. "That
emperor," says Symmachus, "suffered the privileges of the vestal virgins
to remain inviolate; he bestowed the sacerdotal dignities on the nobles
of Rome, granted the customary allowance to defray the expenses of the
public rites and sacrifices; and, though he had embraced a different
religion, he never attempted to deprive the empire of the sacred worship
of antiquity." The senate still presumed to consecrate, by solemn
decrees, the divine memory of their sovereigns; and Constantine himself
was associated, after his death, to those gods whom he had renounced and
insulted during his life. The title, the ensigns, the prerogatives, of
sovereign pontiff, which had been instituted by Numa, and assumed by
Augustus, were accepted, without hesitation, by seven Christian
emperors; who were invested with a more absolute authority over the
religion which they had deserted, than over that which they professed.
The divisions of Christianity suspended the ruin of Paganism; and the
holy war against the infidels was less vigorously prosecuted by princes
and bishops, who were more immediately alarmed by the guilt and danger
of domestic rebellion. The extirpation of idolatry might have been
justified by the established principles of intolerance: but the hostile
sects, which alternately reigned in the Imperial court were mutually
apprehensive of alienating, and perhaps exasperating, the minds of a
powerful, though declining faction. Every motive of authority and
fashion, of interest and reason, now militated on the side of
Christianity; but two or three generations elapsed, before their
victorious influence was universally felt. The religion which had so
long and so lately been established in the Roman empire was still
revered by a numerous people, less attached indeed to speculative
opinion, than to ancient custom. The honors of the state and army were
indifferently bestowed on all the subjects of Constantine and
Constantius; and a considerable portion of knowledge and wealth and
valor was still engaged in the service of polytheism. The superstition
of the senator and of the peasant, of the poet and the philosopher, was
derived from very different causes, but they met with equal devotion in
the temples of the gods. Their zeal was insensibly provoked by the
insulting triumph of a proscribed sect; and their hopes were revived by
the well-grounded confidence, that the presumptive heir of the empire, a
young and valiant hero, who had delivered Gaul from the arms of the
Barbarians, had secretly embraced the religion of his ancestors.
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