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[575] P. 127

[576] Plut. C. Gracch. 1.

[577] C. Gracchus ap. Charis. ii. p. 177 Qui sapientem eum faciet? Qui et vobis et rei publicae et sibi communiter prospiciat, non qui pro suilla humanam trucidet.

[578] Plut. l.c.

[579] Ibid. Cf. [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65 Pestilentem Sardiniam quaestor sortitus.

[580] Plut. l.c.

[581] Cic. de Div. i. 26. 56 C. vero Gracchus multis dixit, ut scriptum apud eundem Coelium est, sibi in somniis quaesturam petere dubitanti Ti. fratrem visum esse dicere, quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen eodem sibi leto quo ipse interisset esse pereundum. Hoc, ante quam tribunus plebi C. Gracchus factus esset, et se audisse scribit Coelius et dixisse eum multis. Cf. Plut. l.c.

[582] Plut. C. Gracch. 2.

[583] Plut. l.c.

[584] Plut. l.c.

[585] Ibid. [Greek: alla kai pollois allokotom edokei to tamian onta proapostaenai tou archontos].

[586] Cic. Div. in Caec. 19. 61 Sic enim a majoribus nostris accepimus praetorem quaestori suo parentis loco esse oportere: nullam neque justiorem neque graviorem causam necessitudinis posse reperiri quam conjunctionem sortis, quam provinciae, quam officii, quam publici muneris societatem.

[587] A passage from Caius's speech "apud censores" is quoted by Cicero Orat. 70.233.

[588] Plutarch says (C. Gracch. 2) that Caius [Greek: aitaesamenos logon outo metestaese tas gnomes ton akousanton, hos apelthein haedikaesthai ta megista doxas]. The passage seems to imply acquittal by the censors, although [Greek: ton akousanton] suggests the larger audience. The arguments cited by Plutarch as developed by Caius appeared, or were repeated, in the speech that he subsequently made before the people.

[589] Gell. xv. 12.

[590] Plut. C. Gracch. 3; [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65.

[591] Plut. l.c.

[592] Plut. l.c.

[593] Cic. pro Rab. 4. 12 C. Gracchus legem tulit ne de capite civium Romanorum injussu vestro (sc. populi) judicaretur. Plut. _C. Gracch. 4 [Greek: (nomon eisepheren) ei tis archon akriton ekpekaerychoi politaen, kat' auton didonta krisin to daemo.] Schol. Ambros. p. 370 Quia sententiam tulerat Gracchus, ut ne quis in civem Romanum capitalem sententiam diceret. Cic. in Cat. iv. 5. 10; in Verr. v. 63. 163. Cf. Cic. pro Sest. 28. 61; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.

[594] Plut. C. Gracch. 4.

[595] Schol. Ambros. p. 370. Cf. Cic. pro Sest. 28, 61 Consule me, cum esset designatus (Cato) tribunus plebis (63 B.C.), obtulit in discrimen vitam suam: dixit eam sententiam cujus invidiam capitis periculo sibi praestandam videbat. Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.

[596] Cic. pro Domo 31. 82 Ubi enim tuleras ut mihi aqua et igni interdiceretur? quod C. Gracchus de P. Popilio ... tulit. de Leg.

3. 11. 26 Si nos multitudinis furentis inflammata invidia pepulisset tribuniciaque vis in me populum, sicut Gracchus in Laenatem ... incitasset, ferremus. Cf. pro Cluent. 35. 95; de Rep. i. 3.6. For the speeches of Caius Gracchus on Popillius see Gell. 1.7.7; xi. 13.1.5.

[597] Cic. post Red. in Sen. 15. 37 Pro me non ut pro P. Popilio, nobilissimo homine, adulescentes filii, non propinquorum multitudo populum Romanum est deprecata.

[598] Diod. xxxv. 26 [Greek: ho Popillios meta dakruon hypo ton ochlon proepemphthae ekballomenos ek taes poleos.] Cf. Plut. C. Gracch. 4.

[599] Vellei. ii. 7 Rupilium Popiliumque, qui consules asperrime in Tiberii Gracchi amicos saevierant, postea judiciorum publicorum merito oppressit invidia. It is a little difficult to harmonise Fannius's account of Rupilius's death (ap. Cic. Tusc. iv. 17.40) with this condemnation. Here Rupilius is said to have died of grief at his brother's failure to obtain the consulship, and this failure happened before Scipio's death (Cic. de Am 20.73). But his brother may have continued his unsuccessful efforts up to the time of Rupilius's condemnation.

[600] Plut. C. Gracch. 4 [Greek: (nomon) eisephere ... ei tinos archontos aphaeraeto ton archaen ho daemos, ouk eonta touto deuteras archaes metousian einai.] Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25. Magistrates who had been deposed, or compelled to abdicate, were known as abacti (Festus p. 23 Abacti magistratus dicebantur, qui coacti deposuerant imperium).

[601] Plut. l.c.

[602] Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: ho Grakchos daemaegoraesas peri tou katalysai aristokratian, daemokratian de systaesai, kai ephikomenos taes hapanton euchraestias ton meron, ouketi synagonistas alla kathaper authentas eiche toutous hyper taes idias tolmaes; dedekasmenos gar hekastos tais idiais elpisin hos hyper idion agathon ton eispheromenon nomon hetoimos haen panta kindynon hypomenein.]

[603] Liv. Ep. xlviii (155 B.C.) Cum locatum a censoribus theatrum exstrueretur; P. Cornelio Nasica auctore, tanquam inutile et nociturum publicis moribus, ex senatus consulto destructum est, populusque aliquamdiu stans ludos spectavit.

[604] Liv. Ep. lx.; Oros. v. II; Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 393.

[605] Plut. C. Gracch. 5 [Greek: ho de sitikos (nomos) epeuonizon tois penaesi taen agoran.] App. Bell. Civ. i. 21 [Greek: sitaeresion hemmaenon horisas hekasto ton daemoton apo ton koinon chraematon, ou proteron eiothos diadidosthai.] Vellei. ii. 6 Frumentum plebi dari instituerat. Liv. Ep. lx Leges tulit, inter quas frumentariam, ut senis et triente frumentum plebi daretur. Schol. Bob.

16. 303 Ut senis aeris et trientibus modios singulos populus acciperet. Cf. Mommsen Die römischen Tribus pp. 179 and 182.

[606] Mommsen (Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 3) considers it rather less than half. The average market-price of the modius is difficult to fix. A low price seems to have been about 12 asses the modius. See Smith and Wilkins in Smith Dict. of _Antiq. i. p. 877. For occasional sales below the market-price at an earlier period see Plin. H.N. xviii. 3. 17 M. Varro auctor est, cum L. Metellus (cos. 251 B.C.) in triumpho plurimos duxit elephantos, assibus singulis farris modios fuisse.

[607] Cic. Tusc. Disp. iii. 20. 48 C. Gracchus, cum largitiones maximas fecisset et effudisset aerarium, verbis ramen defendebat aerarium.

[608] Cic. Tusc. Disp. iii. 20. 48.

[609] Cic. de Off. ii. 21. 72 C. Gracchi frumentaria magna largitio; exhauriebat igitur aerarium: pro Sest. 48. 103 Frumentariam legem C. Gracchus ferebat. Jucunda res plebei; victus enim suppeditabatur large sine labore. Cf. Brut. 62. 222. Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek: to koinon tamieion eis aischras kai akairous dapanas kai charitas analiskon eis heauton pantas apoblepein epoiaese.] Cf. Oros. v. 12.

[610] Plut. C. Gracch. 6 [Greek: egrapse de kai ... kataskeuazesthai sitobolia.] Festus p. 290 Sempronia horrea qui locus dicitur, in eo fuerunt lege Gracchi, ad custodiam frumenti publici.

[611] This view is represented in a criticism preserved by Diodorus

35. 25 [Greek: _tois stratiotais dia ton nomon ta taes archaias agogaes austaera katacharisamenos apeithian kai anarchian eisaegagen eis taen politeian_].

[612] Plut. C. Gracch. 5 [Greek: ho de stratiotikos (nomos) esthaeta te keleuon daemosia choraegeisthai kai maeden eis touto taes misthophoras hyphaireisthai ton stratenomenon].

[613] [Greek: kai neoteron eton heptakaideka mae katalegesthai stratiotaen] (Plut. l.c.).

[614] Plut. l.c. [Greek: ton de nomon ... ho men haen klaerouchikos hama nemon tois penaesi taen daemosian.] Liv. Ep. lx Tulit ... legem agrariam, quam et frater ejus tulerat. Vellei. ii. 6 (C. Gracchus) dividebat agros, vetabat quemquam civem plus quingentis jugeribus habere, quod aliquando lege Licinia cautum erat. Cf. Cic. de Leg. Agr.

1. 7. 21; ii. 5. 10; Oros. v. 12; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).

[615] Lex Agraria (C.I.L. i. n. 200; Bruns Fontes 1. 3. 11) 1. 6. See p. 113, note 2.

[616] In 125 B.C. the census had been 394, 726 (Liv. Ep. lx), in 115 it was 394, 336 (Liv. Ep. lxiii). See de Boor Fasti Censorii.

[617] Herzog Staatsverf. i. p. 466.

[618] In 142 B.C. (Cic. de Fin. ii. 16. 54).

[619] Polyb. vi. 14.

[620] Cic. pro Mur. 28. 58; pro Font. 13. 38; Brut. 21. 81; Div. in Caec. 21. 69; Tac_. Ann_ 111. 66. Valerius Maximus (viii. 1. 11) can scarcely be correct in saying that the trial took place apud populum. It seems to have been a trial for extortion.

[621] App. Bell. Civ. i. 22. Cf. Cic. Div. in Caec. 21. 69 [Ascon.] in loc.; App. Mithr. 57.

[622] App. Bell. Civ. i. 22 [Greek: oi te presbeis oi kat auton eti parontes syn phthono tauta permontes ekekragesan.]

[623] Plut, C. Gracch. 5 [Greek: ho de dikastikos (nomos) ho to pleiston apekopse taes ton synklaetikon dynameos ... ho de priakosious ton hippeon proskatelexen antois ousi triakosiois kai tas kriseis koinas ton hexakosion epoiaese]. Cf. Compar. 2. Liv. Ep. lx Tertiam (legem tulit) qua equestrem ordinem, tunc cum senatu consentientem, corrumperet: "ut sexcenti ex equitibus in curiam sublegerentur: et quia illis temporibus trecenti tantum senatores erant, sexcenti equites trecentis senatoribus admiscerentur": id est, ut equester ordo bis tantum virium in senatu haberet.

[624] Vellei. ii. 6 C. Gracchus ... judicia a senatu transferebat ad equites. (Cf. ii. 13. 32). Tac. Ann. xii. 60 Cum Semproniis rogationibus equester ordo in possessione judiciorum locaretur. Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 34 Judicum autem appellatione separare eum (equestrem) ordinem primi omnium instituere Gracchi, discordi popularitate in contumeliam senatus. Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25; xxxvii. 9; App. Bell. Civ. 1. 22.

[625] The qualifications of the Gracchan jurors were probably identical with those required for jurors under the extant lex Repetundarum (C.I.

12. i. n. 198; Bruns Fontes i. 3. 10) which is probably the _lex Acilia_ (Cic. in Verr. Act. i. 17. 51; cf. Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.). The conditions fixed by this law are as follows (ll. 12, l3):--Praetor quei inter peregrinos jous deicet, is in diebus x proxumeis, quibus h. l. populus plebesve jouserit, facito utei CDL viros legat, quei in hac civit[ate ... dum nei quem eorum legat, quei tr. pl., q., iii vir cap., tr. mil. l. iv primis aliqua earum, iii vi]rum a. d. a. siet fueri[tve, queive mercede conductus depugnavit depugnaverit, queive quaestione joudicioque puplico conde]mnatus siet quod circa eum in senatum legei non liceat, queive minor anneis xxx majorve annos lx gnatus siet, queive in u[rbem Romam propiusve urbem Romam passus M domicilium non habeat, queive ejus magistratus, quei supra scriptus est, pater frater filiusve siet, queive ejus, quei in senatu siet fueritve, pater frater filiusve siet, queive trans mar]e erit. (Cf. ll. 16, 17). Unfortunately the main qualification for the jurors, which was stated after the words "in hac civitate," has been lost.

[626] Plut. C. Gracch. 6 [Greek: kakeino tous krinountas ek ton hippeon hedoken (ho daemos) katalexai].

[627] The lex Acilia says "within ten days of its becoming law" (p. 214, note 2). If Plutarch (l.c.) is right about Gracchus selecting the original judices, the provision of this lex shows that it cannot be, as some have thought, the law which first created the Gracchan jurors. It must have been passed subsequently to Gracchus's own lex judiciaria.

[628] In the Ciceronian period we find a knight as a judex in a civil case (Cic. pro Rosc. Com. 14. 42), but it is not probable that senators were ever excluded from the civil bench. See Greenidge Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time p. 265.

[629] Cic. in Verr. Act. i. 13. 38.

[630] Cic. pro Cluent. 56. 154 Lege ... quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc est Cornelia (i.e. the law mentioned in note 4) ... intellegebant ... ea lege equestrem ordinem non teneri. Livius Drusus in 91 B.C. attempted to fix a retrospective liability on the equestrian jurors (Cic. pro Rab. Post 7. 16). Cf. App. Bell. Civ. i. 35. Yet Appian elsewhere (Bell. Civ. i. 22) says that the equites obviated trials for bribery [Greek: synistamenoi sphisin autois kai biazomenoi]. It is possible that prosecutions for corruption before the judicia populi are meant. See Strachan-Davidson in loc.

[631] Cic. pro Cluent. 55. 151 Hanc ipsam legem NE QUIS JUDICIO CIRCUMVENIRETUR C. Gracchus tulit; eam legem pro plebe, non in plebem tulit. Postea L. Sulla ... cum ejus rei quaestionem hac ipsa lege constitueret, ... populum Romanum ... alligare novo quaestionis genere ausus non est. 56. 154 Illi non hoc recusabant, ea ne lege accusarentur ... quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc est Cornelia ... intellegebant enim ea lege equestrem ordinem non teneri.

[632] Gell. 1. xx. 7; Justin. Inst. iv. 5. 2.

[633] App. Bell. Civ. i. 22.

[634] App. l.c. [Greek: kataegorous te enetous epi tois plousiois epaegonto].

[635] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10 Ego ipse, qui aput vos verba facio, uti vectigalia vestra augeatis, quo facilius vestra commoda et rem publicam administrare possitis, non gratis prodeo.

[636] Vellei. ii. 6. 3 Nova constituebat portoria.

[637] Cf. App. Bell. Civ. v. 4 (M. Antonius to the Asiatics) [Greek: ous ... eteleite phorous Attalo, methaekamen hymin, mechri, daemokopon andron kai par' haemin genomenon, edeaese phoron, epei de edeaesen ... merae pherein ton ekastote karpon epetazamen].

[638] Fronto ad Verum p. 125 (Naber) Gracchus locabat Asiam. Cic. in Verr. iii. 6. 12 Inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias, judices, in agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum vectigal est certum ... aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae lege Sempronia.

[639] Decumani, hoc est, principes et quasi senatores publicanorum (Cic. in Verr. ii. 71. 175).

[640] Polyb. vi. 17.

[641] Schol. Bob. p. 259 Cum princeps esset publicanorum Cn. Plancii pater, et societas eadem in exercendis vectigalibus gravissimo damno videretur adfecta, desideratum est in senatu nomine publicanorum ut cum iis ratio putaretur lege Sempronia, et remissionis tantum fieret de summa pecunia, quantum aequitas postularet, pro quantitate damnorum quibus fuerant hostili incursione vexati (60 B.C.; cf. Cic. ad Att.

1. 17. 9).

[642] Varro ap. Non. p. 308 G. Equestri ordini judicia tradidit ac bicipitem civitatem fecit discordiarum civilium fontem. Cf. Florus ii. 5

3. 17).

[643] Diod. xxxvii. 9 [Greek: apeilousaes taes synklaetou polemon to Grakcho dia taen metathesin ton kritaerion, tetharraekotos outos eipen hoti kan apothano, ou dialeipso to eiphos apo taes pleuras ton synklaetikon diaeraemenos.] Diodorus has preserved the utterance in a more intelligible form than Cicero (de Leg. iii. 9. 20 C. vero Gracchus ... sicis iis, quas ipse se projecisse in forum dixit, quibus digladiarentur inter se cives, nonne omnem rei publicae statum permutavit?).

[644] Cic. pro Domo 9, 24 Tu provincias consulares, quas C. Gracchus, qui unus maxime popularis fuit, non modo non abstulit a senatu, sed etiam, ut necesse esset quotannis constitui per senatum decretas lege sanxit, eas lege Sempronia per senatum decretas rescidisti. Sall, Fug. 27 Lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae. Cic. de Prov. Cons. 2. 3 Decernendae nobis sunt lege Sempronia duae (provinciae). Cf. ad Fam. i. 7. 10; pro Balbo 27. 61.

[645] Cic. de Prov. Cons. 7. 17.

[646] The colonists were to be [Greek: oi chariestatoi ton politon] (Plut. C. Gracch. 9).

[647] Liv. Ep. lx Legibus agrariis latis effecit ut complures coloniae in Italia deducerentur. Cf. Plut. C. Gracch, 6. App. Bell. Civ. 1. 23; Foundations at Abellinum, Cadatia, Suessa Aurunca etc. are attributed to a lex Sempronia or lex Graccana in Liber Coloniarum (Gromatici Lachmann) pp. 229, 233, 237, 238; cf. pp. 216, 219, 228, 255. It is difficult to say whether they were products of the Gracchan agrarian or colonial law. In either case, these foundations may have been subsequent to his death, as neither law was repealed.

[648] Vellei. 1. 15 Et post annum (i.e. a year after the foundation of Fabrateria, see p. 171) Scolacium Minervium, Tarentum Neptunia (coloniae conditae sunt).

[649] Forbiger Handb. der Alt. Geogr. ii. p. 503.

[650] L'Année Epigraphique, 1896, pp. 30, 31.

[651] Plut. C. Gracch. 8.

[652] Vellei. ii. 6 Novis coloniis replebat provincias. This may be wrong as a fact but true as an intention.

[653] Vellei. ii. 7.

[654] Plut. C. Gracch. 10 [Greek: Rhoubrion ton synarchonton henos oikizesthai Karchaedona grapsantos anaeraemenaen hypo Skaepionos].... Lex Acilia 1. 22 Queive 1. Rubria in. vir col. ded. creatus siet fueritve. Cf. Lex Agraria 1. 59. Oros. v. 12 L. Caecilio Metello et Q. Titio (Scr. T. Quinctio) Flaminino coss. Carthago in Africa restitui jussa vicensimo secundo demum anno quam fuerat eversa deductis civium Romanorum familiis, quae eam incolerent, restituta et repleta est. Cf. Eutrop. iv. 21.

[655] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[656] Mommsen l.c. This was the tenure afterwards called that of the jus Italicum.

[657] Liv. Ep. ix; App. Bell. Civ. i. 24.

[658] Plut. C. Gracch. 6; App, Bell. Civ, i. 23.

[659] Plut. C. Gracch. 7.

[660] Nitzsch Die Gracchen p. 402.

[661] These are apparently the Viasii vicani of the lex Agraria. Sometimes the service was performed by personal labour (operae), at other times a vectigal was demanded. See Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[662] Cic. ad Fam. viii. 6. 5; cf. Mommsen l.c.

[663] This was prohibited by a lex Licinia and a lex Aebutia which Cicero (de Leg. Agr. ii. 8. 21) calls veteres tribuniciae. But it is possible that they were post-Gracchan. See Mommsen Staatsr. ii.

16. 630.

[664] App. Bell. Civ. i. 23 [Greek: ho de Grakchos kai hodous etemnen ana ten Italian makras, plaethos ergolabon kai cheirotechnon hyph' eauto poionmenos, hetoimon es ho ti keleuoi]

[665] Plut. C. Gracch. 8.

[666] Cic. Brut. 26, 100.

[667] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 158.

[668] Plut. C. Gracch. 6.

[669] Seneca de Ben, vi. 34. 2 Apud nos primi omnium Gracchus et mox Livius Drusus instituerunt segregate turbam suam et alios in secretum recipere, alios cum pluribus, alios universos. Habuerunt itaque isti amicos primos, habuerunt secundos, numquam veros.

[670] The name of the law was probably lex de sociis et nomine Latino. See Cic. Brut. 26. 99.

[671] App. Bell. Civ. i. 23 [Greek: kai tous Latinous epi panta ekalei ta Rhomaion, hos ouk euprepos sygnenesi taes boulaes antistaenai dynamenaes; ton de heteron symmachon hois ouk ezaen psaephon en tais Rhomaion cheirotoniais pherein, edidous pherein apo toude, epi to echein kai tousde en tais cherotioniais ton nomon auto syntelountas]. The words [Greek: psaephon k.t.l.] refer to the limited suffrage granted to Latin incolae (Liv. xxv. 3. 16); but the voting power of his new Latins would be so small that the motive attributed to this measure by Appian is improbable. See Strachan-Davidson in loc. Other accounts of Gracchus's proposal ignore this distinction between Latins and Italians, e.g. Plutarch (C. Gracch. 5) describes his law as [Greek: isopsaephous toion tois politais tous Italiotas] and Velleius says (ii. 6) Dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis.

[672] If we may trust Velleius (ii. 6) Dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis, extendebat eam paene usque Alpis. Cisalpine Gaul was not yet a separate province, but it was not regarded as a part of Italy. The Latin colonies between the Padus and the Rubicon would certainly have received Roman rights, and this may have been the case with a Latin township north of the Padus such as Aquileia. But it is doubtful whether Latin rights would have been given to the towns between the Padus and the Alps. These Transpadani received Latinitas in 89 B.C. (Ascon. in Pisonian.

16. 3).

[673] C. Gracch. ap, Gell. x. 3. 3.

[674] Fann. ap. Jul. Victor 6. 6. A speech of Fannius as consul against Caius Gracchus is also mentioned by Charisius p. 143 Keil.

[675] Cic. Brut. 26. 99.

[676] App. Bell. Civ. i. 23.

[677] Plut. C. Gracch. 12 [Greek: antexethaeken ho Gaios diagramma kataegoron ton hypaton, kai tois symmachois, an menosi, boaethaesein epangellomenos.] The invective may have been directed against Fannius, According to Appian (l.c.) both consuls had been instructed by the senate to issue the edict.

[678] If it had been hampered in this way, the judicial protection of peregrini against the judgments of the Praetor Peregrinus would have been impossible.

[679] Plut. C. Gracch. 12.

[680] App. Bell. Civ. i. 23.

[681] [Sall.] de Rep. Ord. ii. 8 Magistratibus creandis haud mihi quidem apsurde placet lex quam C. Gracchus in tribunatu promulgaverat, ut ex confusis quinque classibus sorte centuriae vocarentur. Ita coaequatus dignitate pecunia, virtute anteire alius alium properabit.

[682] Plut. C. Gracch. 8.

[683] Vir et oratione gravis et auctoritate (Cic. Brut. 28. 109) [Greek: haethei de kai logo kai plouto tois malista timomenois kai dynamenois apo touton enamillos] (Plut. C. Gracch. 8).

[684] Suet. Tib. 3 Ob eximiam adversus Gracchos operam "patronus senatus" dictus.

[685] Plut. C. Gracch. 9.

[686] App. Bell. Civ i. 35.

[687] Plut. C. Gracch. 10.

[688] Plut. C. Gracch. 9 [Greek: Libios de kai taen apophoran tautaen] (which had been imposed by the Gracchan laws) [Greek: _ton neimamenon aphairon haeresken autois]. The tense of neimamenon seems to show that the Gracchan as well as the Livian settlers are meant. See Underhill in loc. In any case, the reimposition of the vectigal on the allotments by the law of 119 (App. Bell. Civ. i. 27) proves that it had been remitted before this date.

[689] [Greek: hopos maed' epi strateias exae tina Latinon rhabdois aikisasthai] (Plut. C. Gracch. 9).

[690] The lex Acilia Repetundarum grants them the right of appeal as an alternative to citizenship as a reward for successful prosecution. Cf. the similar provision in the franchise law of Flaccus (p. 168).

[691] Plut. C. Gracch. 9.

[692] Appian (Bell. Civ. i. 24) says that Gracchus was accompanied by Fulvius Flaccus. Plutarch (C. Gracch. 10) implies that the latter stayed at Rome.

[693] App. l.c. Appian represents this measure as having been proposed after the return of the commissioners to Rome. The words of Plutarch (C. Gracch. 8) [Greek: apaertaesato to plaethos ... kakon ... epi koinoniai politeias tous Latinous] probably refer to an invitation of the Latins to share in these citizen colonies.

[694] Plut. C. Gracch. 10.

[695] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[696] Plut. C. Gracch. 11.

[697] App. Bell. Civ. i. 24. According to Appian, the wolf event occurred after Gracchus had quitted Africa.

[698] Plut. C. Gracch. 11.

[699] Plut. C. Gracch. 12.

[700] Ibid. [Greek: synetyche d' auto kai pros tous synarchontas en orgae genesthai. synarchontas] here is not limited to his colleagues in the tribunate.

[701] [Greek: exemisthoun] (Plut. l.c.), probably to contractors who would sublet the seats.

[702] Beesly The Gracchi, Marius and Sulla p. 53.

[703] [Greek: psaephon men auto pleiston genomenon, adikos de kai kakourgos ton synarchonton poiaesamenon taen anagoreusin kai anadeixin]. (Plut. l.c.)

[704] Cic. in Pis. 15. 36; Varro R.R. iii. 5. 18.

[705] [Greek: hos Sardonion gelota gelosin, ou gignoskontes hoson autois skotos ek ton auton perikechytai politeumaton.] (Plut. l.c.)

[706] Cic. pro Caec. 33. 95; pro Domo 40. 106.

[707] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65.

[708] Cornelia ap. Corn. Nep. fr. 16 Ne id quidem tam breve spatium (sc. vitae) potest opitulari quin et mihi adversere et rem publicam profliges? Denique quae pausa erit? Ecquando desinet familia nostra insanire? Ecquando modus ei rei haberi poterit? Ecquando desinemus et habentes et praebentes molestiis insistere? Ecquando perpudescet miscenda atque perturbanda re publica?

[709] [Greek: hos dae theristas] (Plut. C. Gracch. 13).

[710] Plutarch (l.c.) says that the consul had "sacrificed" [Greek: (thysantos)] and, if this is correct, Opimius must have summoned the meeting.

[711] App. Bell. Civ. i. 25.

[712] Plut. C. Gracch. 13; App. Bell. Civ. i. 25; [Victor] de Vir. III. 65. The last author calls the slain man Attilius and describes him as "praeco Opimii consulis". Cf. Ihne Röm. Gesch. v. p. 103.

[713] [Victor] l.c. Imprudens contionem a tribuno plebis avocavit. Cf. App. Bell. Civ. i. 25.

[714] Plut. C. Gracch. 14.

[715] App. Bell. Civ. i. 25.

[716] App. l.c.

[717] Plut. C. Gracch. 14.

[718] Cic. Phil. viii. 4. 14 Quod L. Opimius consul verba fecit de re publica, de ea re ita censuerunt, uti L. Opimius consul rem publicam defenderet. Senatus haec verbis, Opimius armis. Cf. in Cat. i. 2. 4;

4. 5. 10. Plut. C. Gracch. 14 [Greek: _eis to bouleutaerion apelthontes epsaephisanto kai prosetaxan Opimio to hypato sozein taen polin hopos dynaito kai katalyein tous tyrannous_.]

[719] Plut. l.c.

[720] App. Bell. Civ. i. 26.

[721] Plut. C. Gracch. 14.

[722] Ibid. 15.

[723] App. Bell. Civ. i. 26.

[724] Cf. Bardey Das sechste Consulat des Marius p. 61.

[725] Plut. l.c.

[726] Plut. C. Gracch. 16; App. l.c.

[727] Plut. l.c.

[728] Plut. l.c.

[729] Cic. in Cat. iv. 6. 13.

[730] App. Bell. Civ. i. 26. Plut. (C. Gracch. 16) states that Flaccus fled to a bathroom ([Greek: eis ti balaneion]).

[731] Dionys. viii. 80.

[732] Plut. l.c.

[733] Val. Max. iv. 7. 2; [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 65; Oros, v. 12. Plutarch (l.c.) gives he second name as Licinius.

[734] Plut. l.c.

[735] [Victor] l.c.

[736] Translated "Grove of the Furies" by Plutarch; cf. Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 18. 46. The true name of the grove was Lucus Furrinae, named after some goddess, whose significance was forgotten (Varro L. L. vi. 19 Nunc vix nomen notum paucis). See Richter Topographie p. 271.

[737] Plut. C. Gracch. 17. Cf. Val. Max. vi. 8. 3.

[738] Plin. H.N. xxxiii. 3. 48. Cf. Plut. l.c.; [Victor] l.c.; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).

[739] Oros. v. 12.

[740] Oros. l.c. Opimius consul sicut in bello fortis fuit ita in quaestione crudelis. Nam amplius tria milia hominum suppliciis necavit, ex quibus plurimi ne dicta quidem causa innocentes interfecti sunt. Plutarch (l.c.) gives three thousand as the number actually slain in the tumult. Orosius (l.c.) gives the number slain on the Aventine as two hundred and fifty. For the severity with which Opimius conducted the quaestio see Sall. Jug. 16. 2, 31. 7; Vellei. ii. 7.

[741] Plut. l.c.

[742] Dig. xxiv. 3. 66. The passage speaks of Licinia's dowry; yet Plutarch (l.c.) says that this was confiscated.

[743] In Plutarch's Greek version (C. Gracch, 17) [Greek: ergon aponoias] (vecordiae) [Greek: naon homonoias] (concordiae) [Greek: poiei].

[744] Cf. Neumann Geschichte Roms. p. 259.

[745] Plut, C. Gracch, 18.

[746] Plut. C, Gracch, 19.

[747] Plin. H.N. xxxiv. 6. 31.

[748] Hence the establishment of the praefecti jure dicundo, sent to the burgess colonies and municipia.

[749] Arist. Pol. iv. 6, p. 1292 b.

[750] The choice of the month of July as the date for elections seems to be post-Sullan. See Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 583. During the Jugurthine War consular elections took place, as we shall see, in the late autumn or even in the winter.

[751] Suet. Caes. 42.

[752] If some of the Gracchan assignments were thirty jugera each (p. 115). The larger assignments of earlier times had been from seven to ten jugera. See Mommsen in C.I. L. i. pp. 75 foll.

[753] Liv. Ep. lxi L. Opimius accusatus apud populum a Q. Decio tribuno plebis quod indemnatos cives in carcerem conjecisset, absolutus est. "In carcerem conjicere" does not express the whole truth. A magistrate could imprison in preparation for a trial. The words must imply imprisonment preparatory to execution and probably refer to death in the Tullianum.

[754] Cic. de Orat. ii. 30. 132; Part. Orat. 30, 104. In the latter passage Opimius is supposed to say "Jure feci, salutis omnium et conservandae rei publicae causa." Decius is supposed to answer "Ne sceleratissimum quidem civem sine judicio jure ullo necare potuisti." The cardinal question therefore is "Potueritne recte salutis rei publicae causa civem eversorem civitatis indemnatum necare?" Cf. Cic. de Orat. ii. 39. 165 Si ex vocabulo, ut Carbo: Sei consul est qui consuluit patriae, quid aliud fecit Opimius?

[755] Cf. Cic. pro Sest. 67. 140 (Opimium) flagrantem invidia propter interitum C. Gracchi semper ipse populus Romanus periculo liberavit.

[756] Cic. Brut. 34. 128 L. Bestia ... P. Popillium vi C. Gracchi expulsum sua rogatione restituit. Cf. post Red. in Sen. 15. 38; post Red. ad Quir. 4.10.

[757] Cic. in Cat. iv. 6, 13; Phil. viii. 4. 14.

[758] Val. Max. v. 3. 2. The colouring of the story is doubted by Ihne (Rom. Gesch. v. p. 111). He thinks that perhaps Lentulus went to Sicily to restore his shattered health.

[759] Cic. de Orat. ii. 25. 106; 39. 165; 40. 170.

[760] Ibid. ii. 39. 165.

[761] Cic. Brut. 43. 159 Crassus ... accusavit C. Carbonem, eloquentissimum hominem, admodum adulescens. Cf. de Orat. i. 10. 39.

[762] Valerius Maximus (vi. 5. 6) tells the story that a slave of Carbo's brought Crassus a letter-case (scrinium) full of compromising papers. Crassus sent back the case still sealed and the slave in chains to Carbo.

[763] Mommsen, Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 4.

[764] Cic. in Verr. iii. i. 3 Itaque hoc, judices, ex ... L. Crasso saepe auditum est, cum se nullius rei tam paenitere diceret quam quod

3. Carbonem unquam in judicium vocavisset.

[765] Cic. ad Fam. ix. 21. 3 (C. Carbo) accusante L. Crasso cantharidas sumpsisse dicitur. Valerius Maximus (iii. 7. 6) implies that Carbo was sent into exile. But the two stories are not necessarily inconsistent.

[766] Appian (Bell. Civ. i. 35) says that the younger Livius Drusus (91 B.C.) [Greek: ton daemon ... hypaegeto apoikiais pollais es te taen Italian kai Sikelian epsaephismenais men ek pollou, gegonuiais de oupo]. These colonies could only have been those proposed by his father.

[767] Mommsen in C.I.L. 1 pp. 75 ff. Cf. p. 227. We have no record of the tenure by which Romans held their lands in such settlements as Palma and Pollentia (p. 189). They too may have been illustrations of what was known later as the jus Italicum.

[768] We know that the corn law of C. Gracchus was repealed or modified by a lex Octavia. Cic. Brut. 62. 222 (M. Octavius) tantum auctoritate dicendoque valuit, ut legem Semproniam frumentariam populi frequentis suffragiis abrogaverit. Cf. de Off. ii. 21. 72. But the date of this alteration is unknown and it may not have been immediate. If it was a consequence of Gracchus's fall, as is thought by Peter (Gesch. Roms. ii. p. 41), the distributions may have been restored circa 119 B.C. (see p. 287). We shall see that in the tribunate of Marius during this year some proposal about corn was before the people (Plut. Mar. 4).

[769] App. Bell. Civ. i. 27 [Greek: nomos te ou poly hysteron ekyrhothae, taen gaen, hyper haes dietheronto, exeinai pipraskein tois echousin.]

[770] App. l.c. [Greek: kai euthus oi plousioi para ton penaeton eonounto, hae taisde tais prophasesin ebiazonto.]

[771] The law permitting alienation may have been in 121 B.C. The year 119 or 118 B.C. ([Greek: pentekaideka maliosta etesin apo taes Grakchou nomothesias]) is given by Appian (l.c.) for one of the two subsequent laws which he speaks of. It is probably the date of the first of these, the one which we are now considering.

[772] App. l.c. [Greek: Sporios Thorios daemarchon esaegaesato nomon, taen men gaen maeketi sianemein, all' einai ton echonton, kai phorous hyper autaes to daemo katatithesthai, kai tade ta chrhaemata chorein es dianomas.]

[773] If Gracchus's corn law was abolished or modified immediately after his fall, the corn largesses may now have been restored or extended. Cf. p. 306.

[774] Some such guarantee may be inferred from a passage in the lex Agraria (l. 29) Item Latino peregrinoque, quibus M. Livio L. Calpurnio [cos. in eis agris id facere ... ex lege plebeive sc(ito) exve foedere licuit.]

[775] Cic. Brut. 36. 136 Sp. Thorius satis valuit in populari genere dicendi, is qui agrum publicum vitiosa et inutili lege vectigali levavit. Cf. de Orat. ii. 70. 284. Appian, on the other hand; makes Sp. Thorius the author of the law preceding this (p. 285). It is possible that Cicero may be mistaken, but, if he is correct, the fragments of the agrarian law which we possess may be those of the lex Thoria, the name given to it by its earlier editors. For a different view see Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.

[776] App. Bell Civ. i. 27 [Greek: tous phorous ou poly hysteron dielyse daemarchos heteros.]

[777] The latest years to which it refers are those of the censors of 115 and the consuls of 113, 112 and 111. The harvest and future vintage of 111 are referred to (1. 95), and it has, therefore, been assigned to some period between January 1 and the summer of this year. See Rudorff Das Ackergesetz des Sp. Thorius and cf. Mommsen l.c. It is a curious fact, however, that a law dealing with African land amongst others should have been passed in the first year of active hostilities with Jugurtha. From this point of view the date which marks the close of the Jugurthine war, suggested by Kiene (Bundesgenossenkrieg p. 125), i.e., 106 or 105 B.C., is more probable. But the objection to this view is that the law contains no reference to the censors of 109. See Mommsen l.c.

[778] Ager compascuus. See Mommsen l.c. and Voigt Ueber die staatsrechtliche possessio und den ager compascuus der röm. Republik.

[779] The pastores also must often have been too indefinite a body to make it possible to treat them as joint owners.

[780] The tribune L. Marcius Philippus, when introducing an agrarian law in 104 B.C., made the startling statement "Non esse in civitate duo milia hominum, qui rem haberent" (Cic. de Off. ii. 21, 73). If there was even a minimum of truth in his words, the expression "qui rem haberent" must mean "moneyed men," "people comfortably off."

[781] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.

[782] Kiene also thinks (Bundesgenossenkrieg p. 146) that the right given by the law of exchanging a bit of one's own land for an equivalent bit of the public domain, which became private property, was reserved solely for the citizen.

[783] Cic. Brut. 26. 102; de Orat. ii. 70. 281; de Fin. i. 3. 8.

[784] Vellei. ii. 8; Cic. in Verr. iii 80. 184; iv. 10. 22.

[785] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72 Consul legem de sumptibus et libertinorum suffragiis tulit.

[786] Liv. xlv, 15.

[787] [Victor] l.c..

[788] Plin. H.N. viii. 57. 223.

[789] Cassiodor. Chron. L. Metellus et Cn. Domitius censores artem ludicram ex urbe removerunt praeter Latinum tibicinem cum cantore et ludum talarium. The ludus talarius in its chief form was a game of skill, not of chance. The reference here may be to juggling with the tali on the stage, not to the pursuit of the game in domestic life.

[790] Liv. Ep. lxiii.

[791] Fast. triumph.; [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72.

[792] Val. Max. vii. 1. 1.

[793] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72.

[794] [Victor] l.c. Ipse primo dubitavit honores peteret an argentariam faceret.

[795] [Victor] l.c. Aedilis juri reddendo magis quam muneri edendo studuit.

[796] Sallust (Jug. 15) gives the following somewhat unkind sketch of the great senatorial champion, "Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis, inpiger, factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua callide occultans". "Inpiger, factiosus" are testimonies of his value to his party. The last words of the sketch are a confession that his reputation may have been blemished by suspicion, but never by proof.

[797] [Victor] l.c. Consul Ligures et Gantiscos domuit, atque de his triumphavit. Cf. Fast. triumph.

[798] [Victor] l.c.

[799] Plut. Mar. 3.

[800] In Velleius ii. 11 the manuscript reading natus equestri loco (corrected into agresti) may be correct.

[801] Plut. Mar. 3.

[802] Plut. Mar. 5.

[803] Ibid. 4.

[804] His military reputation amongst old soldiers had led to his easy attainment of the military tribunate. Sall. Jug. 63 Ubi primum tribunatum militarem a populo petit, plerisque faciem ejus ignorantibus, facile notus per omnis tribus declaratur. Deinde ab eo magistratu alium post alium sibi peperit.

[805] Plut. Mar. 4.

[806] Plut. l.c. [Greek: nomon tina peri psaephophorias graphontos autou dokounta ton dynaton aphaireisthai taen peri tas kriseis ischyn]. It is possible, however, that kriseis may simply mean "decisions".

[807] Cic. de Leg. iii. 17. 38 Pontes ... lex Maria fecit angustos.

[808] Plut. l.c. [Greek: ei me diagrapseie to dogma.]

[809] Plut. l.c. [Greek: nomou ... eispheromenou peri sitou dianomaes]. See p. 284.

[810] Plut. Mar 5. Cf. Cic. pro Planc. 21, 51; Val. Max.

6. 9. 14.

[811] Val. Max. vi. 9. 14.

[812] Plut. Mar. 5.

[813] [Greek: dikastai] (Plut. l.c.). It seems, therefore, that a special quaestio de ambitu existed at this time. Otherwise, the case would naturally have gone before the Comitia. We can hardly think of a Special Commission.

[814] Plut. Mar. 6 [Greek: en men oun tae strataegia metrios epainoumenon heauton paresche].

[815] Plut. l.c.

[816] Plut. l.c.

[817] Vellei. ii. 7 Porcio Marcioque consulibus deducta colonia Narbo Martius. Cf. i. 15.

[818] This was but a [Greek: phroura Rhomaion] (Strabo iv. 1. 5). It had been established in 122 B.C.

[819] Cic. pro Font. 5. 13 Narbo Martius, colonia nostrorum civium, specula populi Romani ac propugnaculum istis ipsis nationibus oppositum et objectum.

[820] This fact appears from Cic. pro Cluent. 51. 140 (Crassus) in dissuasione rogationis ejus quae contra coloniam Narbonensem ferebatur, quantum potest, de auctoritate senatus detrahit. A rogatio against a project implies something more than opposition to a bill.

[821] Cic. Brut. 43. 160 Exstat in eam legem senior ut ita dicam quam illa aetas ferebat oratio.

[822] Cic. Brut. l.c. Cf. pro Cluent. 51. 140; de Orat. ii. 55. 223; Quinctil. Inst. Or. vi. 3. 44.

[823] The date is unknown, but the lex Servilia repetundarum was probably a product of this tribunate. An approximate date can be assigned to this law, if we believe that it immediately superseded the lex Acilia as the law of extortion, and that the lex Acilia is the lex repetundarum which has come down to us on a bronze tablet (see p. 214); for the latter law must have been abrogated by 111 B.C., since the back of the tablet on which it is inscribed is used for the lex agraria of this year. The side containing the lex Acilia must have been turned to the wall, and this fact seems to prove the supersession of this law by a later one on the same subject. See Mommsen in C.I.L.

1. p. 56.

[824] Peracutus et callidus cum primisque ridiculus (Cic. Brut.

62. 224).

[825] Cic. _pro Rab. Post, 6, 14.

[826] Stercus Curiae (Cic. de Orat. iii. 41. 164).

[827] Cic. Brut. 62. 224 Is ... equestrem ordinem beneficio legis devinxerat. Cf. pro Scauro 1. 2. But the law of Glaucia was a lex repetundarum (Ascon. in Scaurian. p. 21; Val. Max. viii. 1. 8; cf. notes 4 and 5), not a lex judiciaria.

[828] Cic. in Verr. i. 9. 26.

[829] Cic. pro Rab. Post. 4. 8. The granting of the civitas to Latins, as a reward for successful prosecution (Cic. pro Balbo 24.

54. , was not an innovation due to Glaucia. It appears already in the lex Acilia.

[830] Liv. Ep. lxiii; Florus i. 39 (iii. 4); Eutrop. iv. 24.

[831] Oros. v. 15.

[832] Plut. Quaest. Rom. 83.

[833] Plut. Quaest. Rom. 83. The manuscript reading is [Greek: barbarou tinos hippikou therapon]. I have adopted Ihne's suggestion of Barrou, which he supports by a reference to Porphyrio ad Hor. Sat. 1. 6. 30--Hic Barrus vilisimmae libidinosaeque admodum vitae fuit, adeo ut Aemiliam virginem Vestae incestasse dictus sit.

[834] Dio Cass. fr. 92.

[835] Macrob. Sat. i. 10. 5.

[836] Ascon. in Milonian. p. 46. Cf. Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 30.

[837] Scopulus reorum (Val. Max. iii. 7. 9).

[838] Ascon. l.c.

[839] Val. Max. l.c. Cum id vitare beneficio legis Memmiae liceret, quae eorum, qui rei publicae causa abessent, recipi nomina vetabat.

[840] Val. Max. vi. 8. 1.

[841] Ascon. l.c. Nimia etiam, ut existimatio est, asperitate usus.

[842] Zumpt Criminalrecht i. p. 117.

[843] Plut. Quaest. Rom., 83 [Greek: duo en andras duo de gynaikas en tae boon agorai legomenae tous men Hellaenas, tous de Galatas, zontas katorhyxan].

[844] Plin. H.N. xxx. 1. 12 DCLVII demum anno urbis Cn. Cornelia Lentulo P. Licinio Crasso consulibus (97 B.C.) senatus consultum factum est ne homo immolaretur.

[845] Plut. l.c.

[846] Obsequens 99 (37) (111 B.C.) Maxima pars urbis exusta cum aede Matris Magnae; lacte per triduum pluit, hostiisque expiatum majoribus, Jugurthinum bellum exortum. The war had been determined on the year before.

[847] Boissière Esquisse d'une histoire de la conquête et de l'administration Romaines dans le Nord de l'Afrique p. 41.

[848] App. Lib. [Greek: apo Maurousion ton okeanoi mechri taes Kyraenaion archaes es ta mesogeia.]

[849] Boissière l.c.

[850] [Greek: ton legomenon Megalon Pedion] (App. Lib. 68).

[851] Tissot Géographie comparée de la province Romaine d'Afrique ii.

16. 5.

[852] Plin. H.N. v. 3. 22; v. 4. 25; Ptol. iv. 3. 7.

[853] Tissot op. cit. ii. pp. 1-20.

[854] Ibid. ii. p. 20.

[855] Mercier La population indigène de L'Afrique pp. 129, 130; Boissière op. cit. p. 39.

[856] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 400 foll. For the extension of the native Libyan language cf. Boissière, L'Afrique Romaine p. 6.

[857] Tissot op. cit. pp. 403, 404.

[858] Hence the [Greek: Melanogatouloi] and the [Greek: Lenkaithiopes] of Ptolemy (iv. 6. 5 and 6.) See Tissot op. cit. p. 447.

[859] Mercier op. cit. p. 136.

[860] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 414-17.

[861] Boissière (op. cit. p. 101) cites an interesting description of the Kabyle from Le capitaine Rinn. In it occur the following words:--La guerre pour lui (le Kabyle) est une affaire de devoir, de nécessité, de point d'honneur ou de vengeance; ce n'est jamais ni un plaisir, ni une distraction, ni même un état normal; il ne la fait qu'après prévenu son ennemi, et, dans le combat ou après la victoire, il n'a pas de cruauté inutile.

[862] Tissot op. cit. i. pp. 417-18.

[863] Polyb. xxxvii. 3; Diod. xxxii. 17.

[864] Plin. H.N. v. 3 22.

[865] Strabo xvii. 3. 13.

[866] Livy says (xxix. 29) that this was the admitted order of succession (ita mos apud Numidas est). The brother of a late king was probably considered to be the most capable successor. An immature son would be passed over. Cf. Biereye Res Numidarum et Maurorum p. 18.

[867] Liv. Ep. 1.; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 4; Oros. iv. 22.

[868] App. Lib. 106.

[869] App. Hisp. 67; Sall. Jug. 7.

[870] Strabo. xvii. 3. 13; Diod. xxxiv. 35.

[871] Oros. v, 11.

[872] Strabo l.c.

[873] Sall. Jug. 65. 1 Morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum inminuta. We are not told that he was in this condition before Micipsa's death; but it is perhaps the reason why the king left him only "heir in remainder" (secundum heredem) to the crown. Another aspirant appears later on in the person of Massiva son of Gulussa (Sall. Jug. 35. i), but this prince may not have been born, or may have been an infant, at the time when Jugurtha was recognised as a possible successor. It is possible that Massiva may have been mentioned as one of the supplementary heirs in Micipsa's will, although Sallust does not inform us of the fact.

[874] Sall. Jug. 6. 1.

[875] Sall. Jug. 6. 2.

[876] Ibid. 7. 6.

[877] Sall. Jug. 8. 1.

[878] Ibid. 8. 2.

[879] Sall. Jug. 9. 1.

[880] Statimque eum adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem instituit (Ibid. 9. 3).

[881] Ibid. 10.

[882] Sall. Jug. 11.

[883] Ibid. 12. 3. The site of Thirmida is unknown.

[884] Sallust, using Roman phraseology, says that he had been "proxumus lictor Jugurthae" (l c.). Such a lictor would stand nearest the magistrate, receive his immediate orders and be, therefore, presumably a more trusted and intimate servant.

[885] Sall. Jug. 12.

[886] In duas partis discedunt Numidae; plures Adherbalem secuntur, sed illum alterum bello meliores (Ibid. 13. 1).

[887] Sall. Jug. 13. 4.

[888] Ibid. 13. 6.

[889] Ibid. 14.

[890] Sallust (l.c.) makes Adherbal say "Micipsa pater meus moriens mihi praecepit, ut regni Numidiae tantum modo procurationem existumarem meam, ceterum jus et imperium ejus penes vos esse". The "jus et imperium" have no true application to a protectorate.

[891] Sall. Jug. 15. 1.

[892] Ibid. 15. 2.

[893] Sall. Jug. 16. 2.

[894] Ibid. 16. 3.

[895] Sall. Jug. 16. 5.

[896] Sall. Jug. 20. 4.

[897] Ibid. 20. 7 Itaque non uti antea cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu conparato bellum gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere.

[898] Ibid. 21. 3.

[899] Sallust says (Jug. 21. 2): Haud longe a mari prope Cirtam oppidum utriusque exercitus consedit. He apparently underestimates the distance of Cirta from the sea.

[900] Ibid. 21. 2 Ni multitude togatorum fuisset, quae Numidas insequentis moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret.

[901] The bridge described by Shaw, constructed on one of the natural arches which connect the two sides of the river bed and presenting two ranges of superposed arcades, is no longer in existence. This bridge attached the south-eastern angle of the town to the heights of Mansoura. See Tissot Géographie comparée ii. p. 393.

[902] Sall. Jug. 21. 3.

[903] Sall. Jug. 21. 4 Postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres adulescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient velle et censere eos ab armis discedere, de controvorsiis suis jure potius quam bello disceptare: ita seque illisque dignum esse.

[904] Is rumor clemens erat (Ibid. 22. 1).

[905] Adherbalis adpellandi copia non fuit (Ibid. 22. 5).

[906] Si ab jure gentium sese prohibuerit (Sail. Jug. 22.4).

[907] Ibid, 23. 2 Adherbal ... intellegit ... penuria rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse.

[908] Sall. Jug. 23. 2.

[909] Ibid. 24.

[910] Sall. Jug. 25. 1.

[911] Ibid. 25. 3 Ita bonum publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia devictum.

[912] Ibid. 25. 4 Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu nobiles, amplis honoribus usi.

[913] Cujus ... nutu prope terrarum orbis regebatur (Cic. pro Font. 7,

24. .

[914] Sall. Jug. 25. 6 Primo commotus metu atque lubidine divorsus agitabatur. Timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis: porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebatur.

[915] Sall, Jug. 25. 10.

[916] Ibid. 25. 11.

[917] Sall. Jug. 26. 1 Italici, quorum virtute moenia defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent uti seque et oppidum Jugurthae tradat, tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur: de ceteris senatui curae fore.

[918] Ibid. 26. 3 Jugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat.

[919] Sallust (l.c.) represents him as the author of this massacre; (Jugurtha) omnis puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armatus obvius fuerat, interficit. But the attribution may be due to the brevity of the narrative. The leader of a murderous host may easily be credited with the outrages which it commits.

[920] Cic. Brut. 36. 136 Tum etiam C. L. Memmii fuerunt oratores mediocres, accusatores acres atque acerbi. Itaque in judicium capitis multos vocaverunt, pro reis non saepe dixerunt. For his mordant style see Cic. de Orat. ii. 59, 240. The lofty opinion which he was supposed to hold of himself is illustrated in Cic. de Orat. ii. 66, 267 Velut tu, Crasse, in contione "ita sibi ipsum magnum videri Memmium ut in forum descendens caput ad fornicem Fabianum demitteret".

[921] He was already "vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis" (Sall. Jug. 27. 2).

[922] Ibid. 27. 1.

[923] Ibid. 27. 2.

[924] Sall. Jug. 27. 3 Lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae. Consules declarati P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia: Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obvenit.

[925] Jugurtha, contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venum ire in animo haeserat (Ibid, 28. 1).

[926] Ibid.

[927] Sall. Jug. 28. 2.

[928] In consule nostro multae bonaeque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnis avaritia praepediebat: patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissumus contra pericula et insidias (Ibid. 28. 5).

[929] Sall. Jug. 28. 4 Calpurnius parato exercitu legal sibi homines nobilis, factiosos, quorum auctoritate quae deliquisset munita fore sperabat.

[930] Sall. l. c.

[931] The only record of this campaign is contained in the few words of Sallust (Ibid, 28. 7) Acriter Numidiam ingressus est multosque mortalis et urbis aliquot pugnando cepit.

[932] Possibly not at this time, but the date of its recovery is unknown. The town is in the hands of Metellus during the closing months of his campaign (Sall. Jug. 81. 2). Cf. p. 431.

[933] Sall. Jug. 19. 7 Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter nomen cetera ignarus populi Romani, itemque nobis neque bello neque pace antea cognitus. Practically nothing is known of the predecessors of this king. Livy (xxix. 30) mentions an earlier Baga of Mauretania, and perhaps this name is identical with that of Bocchus or [Greek: Bogos]. See Biereye Res Numidarum et Maurorum. For the earlier history of Mauretania see also Göbel Die Westküste Afrikas im Altertum. The boundaries of the kingdom were the Atlantic and the Muluccha on the west and east respectively (Liv. xxiv. 49, xxi. 22; Sall. Jug. 110). The southern boundary naturally shifted. At times the Mauretanian kings ruled over some of the Gaetulian tribes, and Strabo (ii. 3.4) makes the kingdom extend at one time to tribes akin to the Aethiopians--presumably to the Atlas range. Elsewhere (xvii. 3. 2) he speaks of it as extending over the Rif to the Gaetulians. See Göbel op. cit. pp. 79-82.

[934] Ibid. 80. 4 Bocchus initio hujusce belli legatos Romam miserat foedus et amicitiam petitum.

[935] Sall. Jug. 29. 2 Scaurus ... tametsi a principio, plerisque ex factione ejus conruptis, acerrume regem inpugnaverat, tamen magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in pravom abstractus est.

[936] Sall. Jug. 29. 3.

[937] Ibid. 29. 4 Interea fidei causa mittitur a consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum Jugurthae Vagam.

[938] Vaga (Bêdja) marks the frontier between the Numidian kingdom and the Roman province--the frontier created in 172 B.C. by the invasions of Masinissa and finally fixed in 146 B.C. The town lay on the west of the Wad Bédja, which joins the Medjerda, and on the right of the road from Carthage to Bulla Regia. There was another Vaga in the heart of Numidia, between the Ampsaga and Thabraca. See Tissot Géographie comparée

2. pp. 6, 302; Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 154.

[939] Long Decline of the Rom. Republic i. p. 400.

[940] Sall. Jug, 29, 5 Rex ... pauca praesenti consilio locutus de invidia fact! sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, reliqua cum Bestia et Scauro secreta transigit.

[941] Ibid. (Rex) quasi per saturam sententiis exquisitis in deditionem accipitur.

[942] Ibid. 29. 6.

[943] Bestia's presence was necessary at Rome as his colleague Nasica had died during his tenure of the consulship (Cic. Brut. 34. 128).

[944] Sall. Jug. 30. I Postquam res in Africa gestas, quoque modo actae forent fama divolgavit, Romae per omnis locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari. Apud plebem gravis invidia.

[945] Sall. Jug. 30. 1 Patres solliciti erant: probarentne tantum flagitium an decretum consulis subvorterent parum constabat.

[946] Ibid. 30. 2 Maxume eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a vero bonoque inpediebat.

[947] Ibid. 30. 3.

[948] Ibid. 31.

[949] The best manuscripts read his annis xv in Sall, Jug 31. 2, but xv may be a mistake for xx, which is the reading of some good ones. Twenty years would carry us back to 131 B.C., approximately the date of the fall of Tiberius Gracchus. The year 126 B.C. which the reading xv gives, can hardly be said to mark an epoch in the decline of the liberties of the people.

[950] Sociis nostris veluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur (Sall. Jug. 31. 23).

[951] Metum ab scelere suo ad ignaviam vostram transtulere, quos omnis eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum coegit. Sed haec inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est (Sall_. Jug_. 31. 14.)

[952] Quo facilius indicio regis Scauri et reliquorum, quos pecuniae captae accersebat (Memmius), delicta patefierent (Ibid. 33. i).

[953] Alii perfugas vendere (Sall, Jug, 32.3). Long (Decline of the Rom. Rep. i. p. 406) thinks that this means that they were sold as slaves. But the words are probably to be brought into connection with the terms of the Mamilian commission (Sall. Jug. 40.1) "qui elephantos quique perfugas tradidissent". Ihne (Röm. Gesch. v. p. 131) seems to regard these perfugae as Roman subjects who had been handed over by Jugurtha.

[954] Quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam misericordiam ejus experiri mallet (Sall. Jug. 32. 5).

[955] Sall. Jug, 33.7.

[956] Confirmatus ab omnibus, quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea gesserat quae supra diximus (Ibid. 33. 2).

[957] Ibid. 33. 2 (Jugurtha) C. Baebium tribunum plebis magna mercede parat, cujus inpudentia contra jus et injurias omnis munitus foret.

[958] Sall. Jug. 33. 3.

[959] Producto Jugurtha (Ibid, 33. 4) i.e. led him to the front of the tribunal, or the Rostra if the scene took place in the Forum.

[960] Regem tacere jubet (Sall. Jug. 34.1).

[961] Vicit tamen inpudentia (Ibid.).

[962] Ibid. 34. 2.

[963] Sall. Jug. 35. 2. It is not impossible that he may have been mentioned as one of the supplementary heirs in Micipsa's will. See

16. 323.

[964] Sall. Jug. 35. 6.

[965] Ibid. 35. 7 Fit reus magis ex aequo bonoque quam ex jure gentium Bomilcar, comes ejus qui Romam fide publica venerat.

[966] Sall. Jug. 35. 9.

[967] Urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit! (Ibid.

35. 10).

[968] There was still an heir in Gauda--one too who had been recognised in the testament of Micipsa (p. 323); but he may not have been regarded as a suitable candidate.

[969] Sall. Jug. 36. 1 Albinus renovato bello commeatum, stipendium, aliaque, quae militibus usui forent, maturat in Africam portare, ac statim ipse profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus haud longe aberat, armis aut deditione aut quovis modo bellum conficeret.

[970] Cf. Sall. Jug. 36. 1 Armis aut deditione aut quovis modo.

[971] Sall. Jug. 36. 3 Ac fuere qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consili regis existumarent, neque ex tanta properantia tam facile tractum bellum socordia magis quam dolo crederent.

[972] His colleague Quintus Minucius Rufus was making war with the barbarians of Thrace (Liv. Ep. lxv; Vellei. ii. 8; Florus i. 39 (iii.

4. ; Eutrop. iv. 27).

[973] See cf. Meinel Zur Chronologie des Jug. Krieges p. 11.

[974] Quae dissensio totius anni comitia inpediebat (Sall. Jug. 37.

2. .

[975] The tribunician year ended with 9th December, but it is not likely that the consuls of 109, Metellus and Silanus, were elected between this date and 1st January of 109. Had they been, Metellus would have held Numidia and Sp. Albinus would not have been allowed to return there.

[976] Sall. Jug. 37. 3.

[977] There is little probability that the Calama (Gelma) of Orosius (v.

15. and the Suthul of Sallust are identical. Those who have visited the site of Gelma deny that Sallust's description suits this region and think that Suthul was a place near by. Grellois (Ghelma pp. 263 foll.) thinks that Suthul may be placed on a site where now stands the village of Henschir Ain Neschma, one hour's distance from Gelma. See Wilmanns in C.I. L. viii. p. 521.

[978] Sall. Jug. 37. 4.

[979] Vineas agere, aggerem jacere, aliaque quae incepto usui forent properare (Sall. Jug. 37. 4).

[980] Sall. _Jug. 38. 9. The treaty perhaps gave to Jugurtha a specific guarantee of the undisturbed possession of Numidia.

[981] Oros. v. 15.

[982] Sail. Jug. 39. 1.

[983] Sallust (Jug. 39. 2) improperly calls him consul. The only position which he held now was that of proconsul of Numidia.

[984] Senatus ita uti par fuerat decernit, suo atque populi injussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri (Sall. Jug. 39. 3).

[985] Sall. Jug. 39. 4.

[986] Sall. Jug. 40. 1.

[987] Occulte per amicos ac maxume per homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos inpedimenta parabant (Ibid. 40. 2). For the later relations of the government with the Latins and allies see p. 288.

[988] Sed plebes incredibile memoratu est quam intenta fuerit quantaque vi rogationem jusserit, magis odio nobilitatis cui mala illa parabantur, quam cura rei publicae: tanta lubido in partibus erat (Sall. Jug.

40. 3).

[989] Ibid. 40. 4.

[990] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 50.

[991] Sall. Jug. 40. 5 Sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque ex rumore et lubidine plebis. Ut saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat.

[992] Cic. Brut. 34. 128 Invidiosa lege Mamilia quaestio C. Galbam sacerdotem et quattuor consulates, L. Bestiam, C. Catonem, Sp. Albinum civemque praestantissimum L. Opimium, Gracchi interfectorem, a populo absolutum, cum is contra populi studium stetisset. Gracchani judices sustulerunt. For the condemnation of Opimius cf. pro Sest. 67, 140; for that of Galba, Brut. 33. 127. Here honour is paid to Galba's speech in his defence (Extat ejus peroratio, qui epilogus dicitur: qui tanto in honore pueris nobis erat, ut eum etiam edisceremus). Of Galba it is said (l.c.) Hic, qui in collegio sacerdotum esset, primus post Romam conditam judicio publico est condemnatus. He was perhaps a member of the college of pontiffs (Long Decline of the Rom. Rep. i. p. 415). (For the exile of Cato at Tarraco see pro Balbo 11. 28).

[993] Sall. Jug. 43. I; Liv. Ep. lxv.

[994] Sallust's language (Jug. 43. 1) is indeterminate, but suggests the use of the lot--Metellus et Silanus consules designati provincias inter se partiverant, Metelloque Numidia evenerat. There are instances in later times of a manipulation of the sortitio. See Cic. ad Fam.

5. 2. 3; ad Att. i. 16. 8. This assignment of the provinces followed the treaty of Aulus (l.c.), i.e. it took place early in 109, but not in the very first months of that year, as Spurius Albinus had gone back to Africa as proconsul (p. 373). As we have seen (p. 369) there is no probability that the consuls of 109 were elected in 110. Sallust's words (l.c.) "consules designati" simply mean "appointed consuls" and have no reference to the usual status of "consuls designate".

[995] Polyb. vi. 56.

[996] Cic. pro Balbo 5. 11; ad Att. i. 16. 4; Val. Max. ii. 10. 1. It is supposed that Sicily may have been the province, which he had governed as propraetor, and from which he had returned when he was subjected to this trial. See Drumann Gesch. Roms. ii. p. 31.

[997] Acri viro et, quamquam advorso populi partium, fama tamen aequabili et inviolata (Sall. Jug. 43. 1).

[998] Ibid. 43. 4.

[999] Sall. Jug. 44. Cf. Val. Max. ii. 7. 2; Frontin. Strat.

4. 1. 2.

[1000] Sed in ea difficultate Metellum non minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem virum fuisse conperior: tanta temperantia inter ambitionem saevitiamque moderatum.... Ita prohibendo a delictis magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmavit (Sall. Jug. 45).

[1001] Sall. Jug. 46. 1.

[1002] Jugurtha ... diffidere suis rebus ac tum demum veram deditionem facere conatus est (Ibid.).

[1003] Sall. Jug. 46. 2.

[1004] Sed Metello jam antea experimentis cognitum erat genus Numidarum infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum avidum esse (Ibid. 46. 3).

[1005] Sall. Jug. 46. 5.

[1006] Sall. Jug. 47. 1 Oppidum Numidarum nomine Vaga, forum rerum venalium totius regni maxume celebratum, ubi et incolere et mercari consueverant Italici generis multi mortales. Sallust does not say that Italian merchants were still in the town. Their presence in Numidian cities since the massacre at Cirta may be doubted, although the fact that the town was so near the province may have mastered the fears of some of the traders.

[1007] Sall. Jug. 47. 4.

[1008] Ibid. 48. 1 Coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis certare.

[1009] Tissot Géographie comparée 1. pp. 67-68. I have followed Tissot in his identification of the Muthul with the Wäd Mellag. This view makes Metellus's efforts concentrate for the time on S.E. Numidia. He intended to secure his communications before proceeding farther, whether south or west. The older view, which identified the Muthul with the Ubus (Mannert and Forbiger) would represent Metellus as opening his campaign in the direction of Hippo Regius--Western Numidia would thus be his object and the subsequent campaign about Zama would indicate a change of plan. This is not an impossible view; but there are other indications which favour the hypothesis that the Muthul is the Wäd Mellag. One is that Sicca in its neighbourhood veered round to the Romans after the battle (Sall. Jug. 56. 3). The other is the alleged suitability of this region to the topographical description given by Sallust. Tissot believed that every step in the great battle could be traced on the ground. The "mons tractu pari" is the Djebel Hemeur mta Ouargha, parallel to the course of the Wäd Mellag and extending from the Djebel Sara to the Wäd Zouatin. The hill projected by this chain perpendicularly to the river is the Koudiat Abd Allah, which detaches itself from the central block of the Djebel Hemeur and the direction of which is perpendicular both to the mountain and to the Wäd Mellag. The plain, waterless and desert in the angle formed by the hill and the mountain but inhabited and cultivated in the neighbourhood of the Muthul, is the Fëid-es-Smar, watered in its lower part by two streams which empty into the Wäd Mellag. The distance, however, which separates Djebel Hemeur from the left bank of the Wäd Mellag, is not twenty (the number given by the MSS. of Sallust) but about seven miles. S. Reinach in his edition of Tissot has not reproduced the author's own sketch of the battle of the Muthul, but a map of the district will be found in the Atlas appended to the work (Map xviii., Medjerda supérieure). This map forms the basis of the one which I have given.

[1010] See note 1. One must agree with Tissot that the "ferme milia passuum viginti" of Sallust (Jug. 48. 3) cannot be accepted. Such a distance is impossible from a strategic point of view, as Metellus could never have sent his vanguard such a distance in advance, when he himself was engaged with the enemy. It is also inconsistent with the account of the battle, the details of which obviously show that it took place in a much smaller area. The actual distance between the conjectured sites is about seven Roman miles (note 1. See Tissot op. cit. i. p. 71).

[1011] Sall. Jug. 48.

[1012] This appears from the narrative in Ibid. 52. 5. Even when Jugurtha had advanced some distance to the river, Bomilcar was not actually in touch with the king's forces.

[1013] Sall. Jug. 49. 4.

[1014] Sall. Jug. 49. 4.

[1015] Ibid. 49. 6 Ibi conmutatis ordinibus in dextero latere, quod proxumum hostis erat, triplicibus subsidies aciem instruxit.

[1016] Sall. Jug. 49. 6 Sicuti instruxerat, transvorsis principiis in planum deducit. The word "transvorsis" here probably refers to the direction in which the front rank faced the enemy, and the position may be described in another way by saying that Metellus marched with his front rank sideways to Jugurtha. See Summers in loc.

[1017] Ibid. 50. 2.

[1018] Ibid. 50. 1.

[1019] Sall. Jug. 52. 5.

[1020] Ibid. 50. 2.

[1021] Sall. Jug. 51. 3.

[1022] Sall. Jug. 52.5.

[1023] Aciem quam diffidens virtuti militum arte statuerat, quo hostium itineri officeret, latius porrigit eoque modo ad Rutili castra procedit (Ibid. 52. 6).

[1024] Sall. Jug. 53. 3.

[1025] Ibid. 53. 5 Instructi intentique obviam procedunt. Nam dolus Numidarum nihil languidi neque remissi patiebatur.

[1026] Pro victoria satis jam pugnatum, reliquos labores pro praeda fore (Sall. Jug. 54. 1).

[1027] Interim Romae gaudium ingens ortum cognitis Metelli rebus, ut seque et exercitum more majorum gereret, in advorso loco victor tamen virtute fuisset, hostium agro potiretur, Jugurtham magnificum ex Albini socordia spem salutis in solitudine aut fuga coegisset habere (Ibid. 55. 1).

[1028] Sall. Jug. 54. 1.

[1029] Ibid. 54. 3.

[1030] Metellus, ubi videt ... minore detrimento illos vinci quam suos vincere, statuit non proeliis neque in acie, sed alio more bellum gerundum (Ibid. 54. 5).

[1031] Sall. Jug. 54. 6.

[1032] Sall. Jug. 55. 5.

[1033] Sicca is the modern El Kef, but is still called by its inhabitants by its old name of Sicca Veneria (Schak Benar), The name Veneria was derived from a temple of the Punic Aphrodite (cf. Val. Max. ii. 6. 15). Of its strategic importance Tissot says "El Kef is still regarded as the strongest place in Tunis.... The town dominates the great plains of Es-sers, Zanfour, Lorbeus and of the Wäd Mellag, at the same time that it commands one of the principal ways of communication leading from Tunis to Algiers." See Wilmanns in C.I.L.

8. p. 197; Tissot Géogr. comp. ii. p. 378. Zama Regia is now identified, not with the place called Lehs, El-Lehs or Eliès (Wilmanns op. cit. p. 210), but with Djiâma. See Tissot op. cit. ii. pp. 571, 577-79; Mommsen in Hermes xx. pp. 144-56; Schmidt in Rhein. Mus. 1889 (N. F. 44) pp. 397 foll.

[1034] Sall. Jug. 56. 3.

[1035] Ibid. 56. 2.

[1036] Id oppidum in campo situm magis opere quam natura munitum erat (Ibid. 57. 1).

[1037] Contra ea oppidani in proxumos saxa volvere, sudes, pila, praeterea picem sulphure et taeda mixtam ardentia mittere (Sall. Jug.

57. 5). If ardentia is correct, the sudes and pila must also have been winged with fire. I have interpreted the passage as though ardenti (suggested by Herzog) were the true reading. Summers suggests "picem sulphure mixtam et tela ardentia."

[1038] Ibid. 58. 1.

[1039] Sall. Jug. 59. 1.

[1040] Ibid. 59. 3.

[1041] Sall. Jug. 60. 4.

[1042] Ibid. 61. 1.

[1043] Sall. Jug. 61. 4.

[1044] Sall. Jug. 62, 1.

[1045] Mittuntur ad imperatorem legati, qui Jugurtham imperata facturum dice rent (Ibid. 62. 3). The word imperata implies previous negotiations.

[1046] Metellus proper cantos senatorial ordinis ex Hibernia accurse jubet; eorum et variorum, quos ironers defeat, console habet (Ibid. 62. 4).

[1047] Ihne Röm. Gesch. v. p. 146.

[1048] Sall. Jug. 62. 5. Orosius (v. 15. 7) adds that Jugurtha promised corn and other supplies.

[1049] Oros. l.c.

[1050] Sall. Jug. 62. 7.

[1051] Oros. l.c.

[1052] App. Num. 3.

[1053] Its site is unknown.

[1054] Romae senatus de provinciis consults Numidiam Metello decelerare (Sall. Jug. 62. 10). It is possible that the senate merely abstained from making Numidia a consular province. See Summers in loc. and cf.

16. 222.

[1055] Etiam tum alios magistratus plebs, consulate nobilities inter se per manus trade bat. Novas memo tam claries neque tam egregious facts erat, quin is indigenous illo honore et quasi pollutes aerator (Ibid. 63. 6).

[1056] Ibid. 63. 1.

[1057] Sall. Jug. 64. 4.

[1058] Milites quibus in Hibernia preheat lax ore imperio quam antea habere (Ibid. 64. 5).

[1059] Sall. Jug. 64. 5.

[1060] Ibid. 65. 1 Erat praeterea in exercitu nostro Unmade quidam nomine Gauda, Mastanabalis filius, Masinissae nepos, quem Micipsa testamento secundum heredem scripserat, morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum inminuta.

[1061] Turmam equitum Romanorum (Ibid. 65. 2). It appears, therefore, that equites equo publico, although seldom (if ever) used as cavalry at this time, still formed the escort of generals or princes.

[1062] Equites Romanos, milites et negotiatores (Sall. Jug. 65. 4).

[1063] Sall. Jug. 66. 3.

[1064] Ibid. 67.

[1065] Sall. Jug. 67. 3 Turpilius praefectus unus ex omnibus Italicis intactus profugit. Id misericordiane hospitis an pactione an casu ita evenerit, parum comperimus: nisi, quia illi in tanto malo turpis vita integra fama potior fuit, inprobus intestabilisque videtur.

[1066] Ibid. 68. 1.

[1067] Ibid. 68. 4 Equites in primo late, pedites quam artissume ire et signa occultare jubet.

[1068] Plut. Mar. 8 outos gar ho anaer aen men ek poteron xenos toi Metello kai tote taen epi ton tektonon echon archaen synestrateue.

[1069] Plut. l.c.

[1070] Plut. l.c.

[1071] Sall. Jug. 69. 4 Turpilius ... condemnatus verberatusque capite poenas solvit: nam is civis e Latio erat. If the last words mean that Turpilius was a Latin, they may show that the law of Drusus (p. 242), if passed, was no longer respected. If they mean that he was a Roman citizen from a Latin town, they illustrate this law. Appian (Num. 3) says that Turpilius was a Roman ([Greek: andra Rhomaion]).

[1072] Sall. Jug. 70.

[1073] Proinde reputaret cum animo suo, praemia an cruciatum mallet (Sall. Jug. 70. 6).

[1074] Sall. Jug. 72.

[1075] Ibid. 73.

[1076] Meinel (Zur Chronologie des Jugurth. Krieges p. 13) thinks that the consular elections of 108 did not take place before the winter, and that they may even have drifted over into the following year.

[1077] Plut, Mar. 8.

[1078] Plut. l.c. It is possible that this story and that of Sallust (Jug. 63 see p. 410) about the sacrifice at Utica belong to the same incident. But it is not probable. A man such as Marius would often approach a favourite shrine.

[1079] Liv. Ep. lxv.

[1080] [Victor] de Vir. Ill. 72; Ammian. xxvii. 3. 9.

[1081] The via Aemilia ([Victor] l.c.; Strabo v. 1. 11).

[1082] Plut. Quaest. Rom. 50.

[1083] Plut. Mar. 8.

[1084] Sall. Jug. 73. 6 Denique plebes sic accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium et sua necessaria post illius honorem ducerent. The labours, from which the agrestes were drawn, may have been those of early spring, if the elections were delayed until the early part of 107 B.C. (See p. 420, Meinel l.c.)

[1085] Ibid. 73. 7 Sed paulo ante senatus Metello Numidiam decreverat: ea res frustra fuit. The words in italics are not given by the good manuscripts; they are perhaps an interpolation drawn from ch.

62. See Summers in loc. It is possible that some mention of the provinces which the senate had decreed to the new consuls stood here. Mommsen (Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 4) thinks that the passage may have contained a statement that the senate had destined Gaul and Italy for the consuls.

[1086] Sall. Fug. 85.

[1087] Ibid. 85. 12 Atque ego scio, Quirites, qui, postquam consules facti sunt, et acta majorum et Graecorum militaria praecepta legere coeperint--praeposteri homines: nam gerere quam fieri tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est.

[1088] Ibid. 84. 2.

[1089] Polyb. vi. 19.2.

[1090] According to Gellius (xvi. 10, 10) 375 asses:--Qui ... nullo aut perquam parvo aere censebantur, "capite censi" vocabantur, extremus autem census capite censorum aeris fuit trecentis septuaginta quinque. But this decline from the Polybian census seems incredibly rapid. Perhaps the figure should be 3,750--one closely resembling that given by Polybius. Cf. p. 61.

[1091] Cf. Liv. x. 21 (cited by Ihne Röm. Gesch. v. p. 154) Senatus ... delectum omnis generis hominum haberi jussit. See also Gell. l.c. 13. Polybius vi. 19. 3, according to Casaubon's reading (p. 135), cannot be cited in illustration of this point.

[1092] Sall. Jug. 86 2 Ipse interea milites scribere, non more majorum neque ex classibus, sed uti cujusque lubido erat, capite censos plerosque. Val. Max. ii. 3. 1 Fastidiosum dilectus genus in exercitibus Romanis oblitterandum duxit. Cf. Florus i. 36 (iii. 1). 13. The tradition preserved by Plutarch (Mar. 9) that Marius enrolled slaves as well ([Greek: polyn ton aporon kai doulon katagraphon]), is apparently an echo from the time of the civil wars. Plutarch may mean men of servile birth and, though it is noted that freedmen were not employed even on occasional service until 90 B.C. (App. Bell. Civ. i.

49. , yet it is possible that Marius's hasty levy may have swept in some men of this standing. But after, as before the time of Marius, free-birth (ingenuitas) continued to be a necessary qualification for service in the legions.

[1093] Sall. Jug. 86. 3.

[1094] Sall. Jug. 86. 3.

[1095] Sall. Jug. 74. 1.

[1096] Ibid. 74. 2.

[1097] Ibid. 75. 1. There are two Thalas in Numidia. The one with which we are here concerned is believed to be that lying east of Capsa (Khafsa), not that near Ammaedara (the latter is probably the Thala of Tac. Ann. iii. 21). Its identification was due to Pelissier who visited the site. It has one of the characteristics mentioned by Sallust, for the existing ruins are situated in a region destitute of water except for one neighbouring fountain. The river from which the Romans drew water and filled their vessels might be the one now called the Wäd Lebem or Leben--the only one in this part of Tunis which does not run dry even in summer. The ruins are of small extent and unimposing, but this feature agrees with the statement of Strabo (xvii.

3. 12) that Thala was one of the towns blotted out by continuous wars in Africa. It was, therefore, not restored by the Romans. It has been doubted whether the name Thala is a proof of the identity of the site with that described by Sallust, since Pelissier says (Rev. Arch. 1847,

16. 399) that the place is surrounded by a grove of trees, of the kind known as mimosa gummifera and called thala by the Arabs. The ruins may have drawn their name from these trees. See Wilmanns in C.I.L.

8. p. 28 and cf. Tissot Géogr. comp. ii. p. 635.

[1098] Sall. Jug. 75. 9.

[1099] Sall. Jug. 76. 3 Deinde locis ex copia maxume idoneis vineas agere, aggerem jacere et super aggerem inpositis turribus opus et administros tutari.

[1102] The name appears on coins in Punic letters as L B Q I (Movers Die Phönizer II 2. p. 486; Müller Numismatique de l'Afrique II p.

10. . Greek writers also call it Neapolis, probably because it was not far from an older town at the mouth of the Cinyps (the Wäd Mghar-el-Ghrin), although others hold that this name designated a particular quarter of the town. The three cities of the Syrtis--Sabrata, Oea and Leptis--were called Tripolis, but do not seem to have been politically connected with one another. Leptis had been stipendiary to Carthage (Liv. xxxiv. 62) and had subsequently been occupied by Masinissa (Liv. l.c.; cf. App. Lib. 106). But the occupation was not permanent or effective. Sallust notes (Jug. 78) that its situation had enabled it to escape Numidian influence.

[1101] Sall. Jug. 77. 3.

[1102] Ibid. 80. 1.

[1103] Forbiger Handb. der alt. Geogr. ii. p. 885.

[1104] Sall. Jug. 80. 2.

[1105] Ibid. 80. 1.

[1106] Ibid. 80. 6 Ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur, quia singuli pro opibus quisque quam plurumas uxores, denas alii, alii pluris habent, sed reges eo amplius. Ita animus multitudine distrahitur: nulla pro socia optinet, pariter omnes viles sunt.

[1107] Sall. Jug. 81. 1.

[1108] Ibid. 82. 1.

[1109] Cf. p. 349.

[1110] Sall. Jug. 81. 2.

[1111] Ibid. 82. 1.

[1112] Ibid. 82. 2.

[1113] Sall. Jug. 83. 1.

[1114] Sall, Jug. 86. 5.

[1115] Ibid. 88. 1.

[1116] Vellei. ii. II Metelli ... et triumphus fuit clarissimus et meritum ex virtute ei cognomen Numidici inditum. Cf. Eutrop. iv. 27.

[1117] Sall. Jug. 88. 5.

[1118] Sall. Jug. 88. 3.

[1119] Sallust uses the historic infinitive (Ibid, 89. 1 Consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire, partim vi, alia metu aut praemia ostentando avortere ab hostibus), but the reduction of some of these places may perhaps be assumed.

[1120] Cf. p. 426.

[1121] Capsa (Kafsa or Gafsa) may have been once subject to Carthage and have been added to the kingdom of Masinissa after the Hannibalic war. Strabo (xvii. 3. 12) mentions it amongst the ruined towns of Africa, but it revived later on, received a Latin form of constitution under Hadrian, and was ultimately the seat of a bishopric. See Wilmanns in C.

1. L. viii. p. 22. Its commercial importance was very great. It was, as Tissot says (Géogr. comp. ii. p. 664), placed on the threshold of the desert at the head of the three great valleys which lead, the one to the bottom of the Gulf of Kabes, the other to Tebessa, the third to the centre of the regency of Tunis. He describes it as one of the gates of the Sahara and one of the keys of Tell, the necessary point of transit of the caravans of the Soudan and the advanced post of the high plateau against the incursions of the nomads. Strabo (l.c.) describes Capsa as a treasure-house of Jugurtha, but it has been questioned whether this description is not due to a confusion with Thala (Wilmanns l.c.).

[1122] Sall. Jug. 89. 6.

[1123] Ibid. 89. 5 Nam, praeter oppido propinqua, alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, infesta serpentibus, quarum vis sicuti omnium ferarum inopia cibi acrior. Ad hoc natura serpentium, ipsa perniciosa, siti magis quam alia re accenditur. Tissot says (op. cit. ii. p. 669) that the solitudes which surround the oasis make a veritable "belt of sands and snakes" (cf. Florus iii. 1. 14 Anguibus harenisque vallatam).

[1124] Sal. Jug. 90. 1.

[1125] Aulus Manlius was sent with some light cohorts to protect the stores at Lares (Ibid. 90. 2). These stores were, therefore, not exhausted.

[1126] The Tana has often been identified with the Wäd Tina, but this identification would take Marius along the coast by Thenae--a course which he almost certainly did not follow. Tissot holds (Géogr. comp.

1. p. 85) that Tana is only a generic Libyan name for a water-course. He thinks that the river in question is the Wäd-ed-Derb. (Ibid. p. 86).

[1127] This locus tumulosus (Sall. Jug. 91. 3) is identified by Tissot (op. cit. ii. p 669) with a spur of the Djebel Beni-Younès which dominates Kafsa on the northeast at the distance indicated by Sallust.

[1128] Ibid. 91. 7.

[1129] Sall. Jug. 92. 3.

[1130] Sallust omits all mention of these winter quarters. Such an omission does not prove that he is a bad military historian, but simply that he never meant his sketch to be a military history. But he has perhaps freed himself too completely from the annalistic methods of most Roman historians.

[1131] Sall. Jug. 92. 2.

[1132] The Wäd Muluja. It is called Muluccha by Sallust, [Greek: Molochath] by Strabo (xvii. 3, 9). Other names given to it by ancient authorities are Malvane, [Greek: Maloua], Malva. See Göbel Die Westküste Afrikas im Altertum pp. 79, 80.

[1133] Bocchus, however, claimed the territory within which Marius was operating (Sall. Jug. 102).

[1134] Ibid. 92. 5.

[1135] Ibid. 93.

[1136] Sall. Jug. 94. 3.

[1137] Sall. Jug. 95. 1.

[1138] Sall, Jug. 95. 1 L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra venit, quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret Romae relictus erat.

[1139] Cic. in Verr. iii. 58. 134.

[1140] Cf. Cic. ad Att. vi. 6. 3 and 4.

[1141] Val. Max. vi. 9. 6 C. Marius consul moleste tulisse traditur quod sibi asperrimum in Africa bellum gerenti tam delicatus quaestor sorte obvenisset.

[1142] Plut. Sulla 2.

[1143] Val. Max. l.c.; Plut. Sulla 2.

[1144] Litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta, atque doctissume, eruditus (Sall. Jug. 95. 3).

[1145] Plut. l.c.

[1146] Plut. l.c.

[1147] He was born in 138 B.C. He was entering on his sixtieth year at the time of his death in 78 B.C. (Val. Max. ix. 3. 8). Cf. Vellei. ii. 17 and see Lau Lucius Cornelius Sulla p. 25.

[1148] Sall. Jug. 96.

[1149] Sall. Jug. 97. 2.

[1150] Sallust states later that Cirta was his original aim (Ibid. 102. 1 Pervenit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat); but Marius's plans may have been modified by intervening events.

[1151] Vix decuma parte die reliqua (Ibid. 97. 3).

[1152] Sall, Jug. 98. 1.

[1153] Ibid. 97. 5 Denique Romani ... orbis facere, atque ita ab omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim sustentabant.

[1154] Ibid. 98. 3.

[1155] Sall. Jug. 99. 1.

[1156] Pariter atque in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere (Ibid. 100. 1). For the nature and growth of this tactical formation amongst the Romans see Marquardt _Staatsverw. ii. p. 423.

[1157] Sall. Jug. 101. 2.

[1158] It is possible that Jugurtha intentionally let his approach be known, so that the Romans might form in their usual battle order.

[1159] This force is not mentioned by Sallust (Sall. Jug. 101. 5), but it seems implied in the junction of Bocchus with Volux.

[1160] Quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur (Ibid. 101. 7).

[1161] Sall. Jug. 101. 9.

[1162] Oros. v. 15. 9 foll. This account in Orosius corresponds to nothing in Sallust and is clearly drawn from other sources. The attempt of the Romans to storm Cirta (Section 10) must be a mistake, unless it refers to some earlier and unrecorded operation of the war. Some details of Section 14 bear a shadowy resemblance to points in the first of the recent battles described by Sallust; but there are other details which make the identification impossible.

[1163] Hastilia telorum, quae manu intorquere sine ammentis solent (Oros. v. 15. 16).

[1164] According to Sallust (Jug. 102. 2.); but the fight which he describes may not have been the final battle. See p. 452.

[1165] Ibid. 102. 2.

[1166] Sall. Jug. 102. 5.

[1167] Ibid. 102. 12.

[1168] Cf. Sall. Jug. 80. 4. See p. 349.

[1169] Sall. Jug. 102. 15.

[1170] The headquarters were doubtless Cirta, to which we find Marius returning (Ibid. 104. 1); but shortly afterwards we find Sulla and the envoys coming to Cirta from a place which, according to one reading, is called Tucca (see p. 457). All the troops were probably not concentrated at Cirta, as Marius meant to quarter them in the coast-towns (Ibid. 100. 1).

[1171] Ibid. 103. 2.

[1172] Sall. Jug. 104. 3.

[1173] Ibid. 103. 7.

[1174] Sulla and the envoys were now at a place which variant readings make either Tucca or Utica (Ibid. 104. 1 Illosque et Sullam [ab Tucca or Utica] venire jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem Utica). Utica is rendered improbable by its mention a few words later, although it is possible that the name of this town has been duplicated in the sentence. If we keep Tucca, it cannot be Thugga (Dugga) in Numidia, which is some distance from the coast. It may be the town which Pliny (Hist. Nat. v.

2. 21) calls "oppidum Tucca inpositum mari et flumini Ampsagae".

[1175] It is possible that this armistice included Jugurtha as well, although this is not stated by Sallust (Sall. Jug. 104. 2).

[1176] Ibid. 104. 5.

[1177] Sall. Jug. 105. 1.

[1178] Ibid. 106. 2.

[1179] Sall. Jug. 107, 1.

[1180] Sall. Jug. 107. 6. Cf. Plut. Sulla 3.

[1181] Ibid. 108.

[1182] This is apparently the meaning of Sallust (Ibid. 108. 1) when he describes Dabar as Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere inpar (nam pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat).

[1183] Sall. Jug. 108. 3 Sed ego conperior Bocchum magis Punica fide quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse, multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse.

[1184] Ibid. 109, 2 Dicit se missum a consule. Marius was really proconsul.

[1185] Ibid. 110.

[1186] Sall. Jug. 111.

[1187] Sall. Jug. 111. 2

[1188] Ibid. 112. 1.

[1189] Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus parum comperimus (Ibid. 113. 1).

[1190] This must have been the agreement, although Sallust says only Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis inermis, uti dictum erat, adcedit (Sall. Jug. 113. 6).

[1191] Ibid. 114. 3.

[1192] Gauda is called king in an inscription which gives the whole house of Juba II. The inscription (C.I.L. II. n. 3417) runs:--Regi Jubae reg(is) Jubae filio regi(s) Iempsalis n. regis Gau(dae) pronepoti regis Masiniss(ae) pronepotis nepoti IIvir quinq. patrono coloni (the coloni, who set up the inscription, having made Juba II IIvir quinquennalis honoris causa). The only doubt which affects the belief in Gauda's succession arises from a passage in Cic. post Red. ad Quir.

8. 20. Cicero here says (Marius) cum parva navicula pervectus in Africam, quibus regna ipse dederat, ad eos inops supplexque venisset. There can be no doubt that Marius fled to Hiempsal, not to Gauda. But it has been pointed out that Cicero's expression is "ad eos," not "ad eum." The plural probably refers to the whole "domus" of the monarch and would include both Gauda and Hiempsal. See Biereye _Res Numidarum et Maurorum_ p. 7.

[1193] Mauretania subsequently includes the region of Caesariensis, but it has been thought probable that the territory of Sitifis on the east was not added until the new settlement in 46 B.C. (Mommsen Hist. of Rome bk. iv. c. 4). The territory between the Muluccha and Saldae might, therefore, have been added after the close of the war with Jugurtha. See Müller Numismatique de l'Afrique. p. 4; Mommsen l.c.; Göbel Die Westküste Afrikas im Altertum p. 93; Biereye op. cit. p. 6. It is very questionable whether the limits of the Roman province were in any way extended at the expense of Numidia. Such additions as Vaga and Sicca probably belong to the settlement of 46 B.C. See Tissot Géogr. comp. ii. pp. 21 foll. It has sometimes been thought that the attachment of Leptis Magna to Rome (p. 429) was permanent (Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 2) and that Tripolis became a part of the Roman province (Marquardt Staatsverw. i. p. 465), but Tissot (op. cit. ii.

16. 22) believes that Leptis remained a free city.

[1194] Sall. Jug. 114. 3; Liv. Ep. lxvii; C.I.L. i. n. xxxiii p. 290 Eum (Jugurtham) cepit et triumphans in secundo consulatu ante currum suum duci jussit ... veste triumphali calceis patriciis [? in senatum venit]. It is questionable, however, whether the last words of this Arretine inscription (words which do not immediately follow the account of the Numidian triumph) can be brought into connection with the story told by Plutarch (Mar. 12) that Marius, either through forgetfulness or clumsiness, entered the senate in his triumphal dress. They seem to refer to some special honours conferred after the defeat of the Germanic tribes. It is possible that the conferment of this honour gave rise to the malicious story, which became not only distorted but misplaced.

[1195] Plut. Mar. 12.

[1196] Ihne Röm. Gesch. v. p. 164 Wo dem Sohn des Südens der Schmerzenschrei entfuhr.

[1197] Plut. Mar. 12. The epitomator of Livy (lxvii.) says in carcere necatus est. The word necatus is quite consistent with a death such as that described by Plutarch. See Festus, pp. 162, 178.

[1198] Plut. l.c.

[1199] Plut. Mar. 10.

[1200] Plut. Sulla 4.

[1201] Plut. Mar. 10; Sulla 3.

[1202] Plut. Sulla 6.

[1203] Ancient writers derive the name from serere and connect it with a story of the family of the Reguli (Plin. Hist. Nat. xviii. 3, 20; Verg. Aen. vi. 844; Val. Max. iv. 4. 5). But the name appears on coins as "Saranus" (Eckhel v. p. 146). It seems, however, to be true that the name was borne by, or applied to, C. Atilius Regulus, the consul of 257 B.C. See Klebs in Pauly-Wissowa R. E. p. 2095.

[1204] Cic. pro Planc. 5. 12.

[1205] In the movement connected with the proceedings of Saturninus in 100 B.C. (Cic. pro Rab. 7. 21).

[1206] Eutrop. iv. 27; Val. Max. vi. 9. 13; Fast. triumph.

[1207] Yet no very recent cases repetundarum are known. The last seems to have been the accusation of M. Valerius Messala (Gell. xv. 14). About this time C. Flavius Fimbria was accused by M. Gratidius and acquitted in spite of the hostile evidence of M. Aemilius Scaurus (Cic. pro Font. 11. 24; Brut. 45. 168; Val. Max. viii. 5. 2; Rein Criminalrecht p. 649); but even if, with Rein, we assign this case to 106 and not to a time later than Fimbria's consulship, the judiciary law must have been prepared before the trial.

[1208] Cassiodor. Chron. Per Servilium Caepionem consulem judicia equitibus et senatoribus communicata. Obsequens 101 (39) Per Caepionem cos. senatorum et equitum judicia communicata.

[1209] Tac. Ann. xii. 60 Cum ... Serviliae leges senatui judicia redderent.

[1210] Cic. de Inv. i. 49. 92 Offensum est quod corum qui audiunt voluntatem laedit: ut si quis apud equites Romanos cupidos judicandi Caepionis legem judiciariam laudet.

[1211] Pp. 135, 213.

[1212] Cic. Brut. 43, 161; pro Cluent. 51, 140.

[1213] Cic. de Or. ii. 59. 240, 66. 264. It is very probable that this attack on Memmius belongs to the speech on the Servilian law.

[1214] Cic. Brut. 44. 164 Mihi (Ciceroni) quidem a pueritia quasi magistra fuit, inquam, illa in legem Caepionis oratio.

[1215] Cassiod. Chron.; Obsequens 101 (39) (quoted p, 478).

[1216] Cicero, speaking in 70 B.C., says that the Equites had held the courts for nearly fifty years, i.e. up to the date of the lex Cornelia of 81 B.C. (Cic. in Verr. Act. i. 13. 38).

[1217] [Cic.] ad Herenn. i. 15, 25, iv. 24. 34; de Rep. i. 3. 6; pro Balbo II. 28.

[1218] Cic. de Orat. iii. 8. 29; Brut. 35. 132.

[1219] Cicero, in speaking of the successive defeats of Catulus at the polls, says Praeposuisse (populum Romanum) Q. Catulo, summa in familia nato, sapientissimo et sanctissimo viro, non dico C. Serranum, stultissimum hominem, (fuit enim tamen nobilis,) non C. Fimbriam, novum hominem, (fuit enim et animi satis magni et consilii,) sed Cn. Mallium, non solum ignobilem, verum sine virtute, sine ingenio, vita etiam contempta ac sordida (pro Planc. 5. 12).

[1220] Val. Max. ii. 3. 2. The changes introduced into the military system by Rutilius will be explained in the next chapter.

[1221] Ulp. in Dig. xxxviii. 2, i. i. Mommsen (Staatsr. iii. p. 433) thinks that the consul of 105 is the "praetor Rutilius" of Ulpian's account.

[1222] Gaius iv, 35 (Praetor Publius Rutilius), qui et bonorum venditionem introduxisse dicitur. See Bethmann-Hollweg Civilprozess

2. p. 671. Here again the consul of 105 is probably meant.

[1223] Cic. Brut. 30. 113, 114.

[1224] The disaster at Arausio took place on 6th October (Plut. Luc.

27. . The consuls for the next year may not yet have been elected, as there was at this time no fixed date for the consular Comitia. Cf.

16. 364 and see Sall. Jug. 114.

[1225] Cic. Brut. 34. 129; de Orat. ii. 22. 91.

[1226] Liv. Ep. lvi. (see the next note). For the probable date of this enactment (151 B.C.) see Mommsen Staatsrecht i. p. 521.

[1227] Liv. Ep. lvi Cum bellum Numantinum vitio ducum non sine pudore publico duraret, delatus est ultro Scipioni Africano a senatu populoque Romano consulatus; quem cum illi capere ob legem, quae vetabat quemquam iterum consulem fieri, non liceret, sicut priori consulatu, legibus solutus est.

[1228] Plut. Mar. 12 [Greek: kai to deuteron hypatos apedeichthae, tou men nomou koluontos aponta kai mae dialiponta chronon horismenon authis aireisthai, tou de daemou tous antilegontas ekbalontos.] Plutarch adds that the people recalled the dispensation granted to Scipio when the annihilation of the Carthaginian power was planned. This is perhaps a mistaken reference to the dispensation granted to Scipio in the Numantine war. See Liv. Ep. lvi. (quoted in the last note); Cic. pro Leg. Man. 20. 60 and Mommsen Staatsr. l.c. As to the irregularity involved in Marius's absence, it is questionable whether Plutarch is right in supposing that a personal professio was required at this time. See Mommsen Staatsr. i. p. 504. Possibly the irregularity consisted in the fact that there had been no formal candidature at all. Other references to this election of Marius are to be found in Sall. Jug. 114; Vellei. ii. 12; Liv. Ep. lxvii.

[1229] Sall. Jug. 114, Marius consul absens factus est, et ei decreta provincia Gallia.

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