[510] This is the expression of Sallust, Catil. 12. 3.
[511] See my paper on the Latin history of the word
religio, in Transactions of the Congress for the
History of Religions, 1909, vol. ii. p. 172. W. Otto in
Archiv, 1909, p. 533 foll.
[512] Cic. de Nat. Deorum, ii. 8.
[513] Cic. Harusp. resp. 19.
[514] Livy xliv. 1. 11; Sallust, l.c.; Gellius, Noct.
Att. ii. 28. 2.
[515] Polyb. vi. 56.
[516] Posidonius ap. Athenaeum vi. 274 A; Dion.
Hal. ii. 27. 3.
[517] Gell. ii. 28.
[518] Marquardt, iii. 126.
[519] Cato, R.R. 142.
[520] Calpurnius, Eclogue, v. 24. I have described a
similar scene in the Alps in A Year with the Birds,
ed. 2, p. 126.
[521] Petronius, Sat. 117: "His ita ordinatis, quod
bene feliciterque eveniret precati deos, viam
ingredimur." I owe this reference, as others in this
context, to Appel's treatise de Romanorum
precationibus, p. 56 foll.
[522] Varro, R.R. i. 1.
[523] e.g. Virg. Aen. v. 685 (Aeneas during the
burning of the fleet); Aen. xii. 776 (Turnus in
extremity). Cp. Tibull. iii. 5. 6 (in sickness).
[524] A good example is Captivi, 922: "Iovi disque ago
gratias merito magnas quom te redducem tuo patri
reddiderunt," etc.
[525] For gratitude to human beings see Valerius Maximus
v. 2. A good example of gratitude to a deity is in Gell.
N.A. iv. 18; but it is told of Scipio the elder, who
was eccentric for a Roman. When accused by a tribune of
peculation in Asia he said, "Non igitur simus adversum
deos ingrati et, censeo, relinquamus nebulonem hunc,
eamus hinc protinus Iovi Optimo Maximo gratulatum."
Public gratitude to the gods is frequent in later
supplicationes, e.g. Livy xxx. 17. 6.
[526] Gellius, N.A. xiv. 7. 9.
[527] Servius ad Aen. xi. 301 ("praefatus divos solio
rex infit ab alto").
[528] This was in a contio: "Cum Gracchus deos
inciperet precari." See above, Lecture VII. note 13.
[529] See R.F. p. 74 foll.; Wissowa, R.K. p. 243.
For the relation of the pomoerium to the wall, see
above, p. 94.
[530] The process is amusingly explained by Carter in
The Religion of Numa, p. 72 foll.
[531] R.F. p. 75.
[532] See Aust, De aedibus sacris P.R., passim.
[533] Lately this has been denied by Pais, Storia di
Roma, i. 339.
[534] Pliny, N.H. 35, 154.
[535] I owe the information to my friend Prof. Percy
Gardner.
[536] See Carter, op. cit. p. 66; but I am not sure
that his reasons are conclusive.
[537] Diels, Sibyllinische Blätter, p. 6 foll., and
cp. 79.
[538] It should be noted that the cult of Apollo in Rome
was older than the introduction of Sibylline influence;
so at least it is generally assumed. Wissowa, however
(R.K. p. 239), puts it as "gleichzeitig." The date of
the Apollinar in pratis Flaminiis, the oldest Apolline
fanum in Rome (outside pomoerium), is unknown; that of
the temple on the same site was 431 (Livy iv. 25 and
29). There is little doubt that the Apollo-cult spread
from Cumae northwards, and was by this time well
established in Italy. (The foundation of the temple of
431, consisting of opus quadratum, still in part
survives: Hülsen-Jordan, Rom. Topographie, iii. 535).
[539] Heracleitus, fragm. xii., ed. Bywater.
[540] Phaedrus, p. 244.
[541] So Korte in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl., s.v.
"Etrusker."
[542] The present tendency is to take the plebs as
representing an older population of Latium before the
arrival of the patricians; see, e.g., Binder, Die
Plebs, p. 358 foll. But the plebs of later days is not
to be explained on one hypothesis only.
[543] e.g. in religious matters the duoviri aedi
dedicandae; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. 601 foll.
[544] Carter, Religion of Numa, p. 77 foll. It is
uncertain whether there was a Roman Mercurius of earlier
origin, or whether the name Mercurius (i.e. concerned
in trade) was a new invention to avoid using the Greek
name, as in the case of the trias Ceres, Liber, Libera.
[545] Carter, op. cit. 81. The connection of this
Poseidon-Neptunus and Hermes-Mercurius is confirmed by
the fact that the two were paired in the first
lectisternium, 399 B.C. Livy v. 13.
[546] Wissowa, R.K. p. 254.
[547] See Diels, Sib. Blätter, p. 12, note 1.
[548] Livy v. 13.
[549] I have discussed the possibility of the epulum
Iovis being an old Italian rite in R.F. p. 215 foll.
For the Greek origin of these shows see Dict. of
Antiquities, ed. 2, s.v. "lectisternia."
[550] Livy iii. 5. 14, and 7. 7.
[551] The plebeian tendencies of the time are suggested,
e.g., by the fact that immediately before the first
lectisternium a plebeian was elected military tribune
(Livy v. 13). The fourth century is of course the period
of plebeian advance in all departments, and ends with
the opening of the priesthoods to the plebs by the lex
Ogulnia, and the publication of the Fasti. Plebeian too,
I suspect, was the keeping open house and promiscuous
hospitality which is recorded by Livy of the first
lectisternia; this was the practice of the plebs on
the Cerealia (April 19), and was perhaps an old custom
connected with the supply of corn and the temple of
Ceres (see above, p. 255). It was not imitated by the
patrician society, with its reserve and exclusiveness,
till the institution of the Megalesia in 204 B.C. See
Gellius xviii. 2. 11.
[552] The expression crinibus demissis is found in a
lex regia (Festus, s.v. "pellices"); the harlot who
touches Juno's altar has to offer a lamb to Juno
"crinibus demissis." This is therefore Roman practice.
[553] For the supplicationes see Wissowa, R.K. 357
foll.; Marq. 48 and 188; and the author's article in
Dict. of Antiquities. The passages already referred to
as doubtful evidence (Livy iii. 5. 14, 7. 7) describe
all the features of the supplicatio as early as the
first half of the fifth century. A list of later
passages in Livy will be found in Marq. 49, note 4. On
the whole I doubt if much was made of these rites before
the third century and the Punic wars.
[554] Wissowa, R.K. 356, note 7.
[555] Caird, Gifford Lectures, vol. ii. p. 46.