Gibbon's The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire
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Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor. -- Part III.
Philosophy had instructed Julian to compare the advantages of action and
retirement; but the elevation of his birth, and the accidents of his
life, never allowed him the freedom of choice. He might perhaps
sincerely have preferred the groves of the academy, and the society of
Athens; but he was constrained, at first by the will, and afterwards by
the injustice, of Constantius, to expose his person and fame to the
dangers of Imperial greatness; and to make himself accountable to the
world, and to posterity, for the happiness of millions. Julian
recollected with terror the observation of his master Plato, that the
government of our flocks and herds is always committed to beings of a
superior species; and that the conduct of nations requires and deserves
the celestial powers of the gods or of the genii. From this principle he
justly concluded, that the man who presumes to reign, should aspire to
the perfection of the divine nature; that he should purify his soul from
her mortal and terrestrial part; that he should extinguish his
appetites, enlighten his understanding, regulate his passions, and
subdue the wild beast, which, according to the lively metaphor of
Aristotle, seldom fails to ascend the throne of a despot. The throne of
Julian, which the death of Constantius fixed on an independent basis,
was the seat of reason, of virtue, and perhaps of vanity. He despised
the honors, renounced the pleasures, and discharged with incessant
diligence the duties, of his exalted station; and there were few among
his subjects who would have consented to relieve him from the weight of
the diadem, had they been obliged to submit their time and their actions
to the rigorous laws which that philosophic emperor imposed on himself.
One of his most intimate friends, who had often shared the frugal
simplicity of his table, has remarked, that his light and sparing diet
(which was usually of the vegetable kind) left his mind and body always
free and active, for the various and important business of an author, a
pontiff, a magistrate, a general, and a prince. In one and the same day,
he gave audience to several ambassadors, and wrote, or dictated, a great
number of letters to his generals, his civil magistrates, his private
friends, and the different cities of his dominions. He listened to the
memorials which had been received, considered the subject of the
petitions, and signified his intentions more rapidly than they could be
taken in short-hand by the diligence of his secretaries. He possessed
such flexibility of thought, and such firmness of attention, that he
could employ his hand to write, his ear to listen, and his voice to
dictate; and pursue at once three several trains of ideas without
hesitation, and without error. While his ministers reposed, the prince
flew with agility from one labor to another, and, after a hasty dinner,
retired into his library, till the public business, which he had
appointed for the evening, summoned him to interrupt the prosecution of
his studies. The supper of the emperor was still less substantial than
the former meal; his sleep was never clouded by the fumes of
indigestion; and except in the short interval of a marriage, which was
the effect of policy rather than love, the chaste Julian never shared
his bed with a female companion. He was soon awakened by the entrance of
fresh secretaries, who had slept the preceding day; and his servants
were obliged to wait alternately while their indefatigable master
allowed himself scarcely any other refreshment than the change of
occupation. The predecessors of Julian, his uncle, his brother, and his
cousin, indulged their puerile taste for the games of the Circus, under
the specious pretence of complying with the inclinations of the people;
and they frequently remained the greatest part of the day as idle
spectators, and as a part of the splendid spectacle, till the ordinary
round of twenty-four races was completely finished. On solemn festivals,
Julian, who felt and professed an unfashionable dislike to these
frivolous amusements, condescended to appear in the Circus; and after
bestowing a careless glance at five or six of the races, he hastily
withdrew with the impatience of a philosopher, who considered every
moment as lost that was not devoted to the advantage of the public or
the improvement of his own mind. By this avarice of time, he seemed to
protract the short duration of his reign; and if the dates were less
securely ascertained, we should refuse to believe, that only sixteen
months elapsed between the death of Constantius and the departure of his
successor for the Persian war. The actions of Julian can only be
preserved by the care of the historian; but the portion of his
voluminous writings, which is still extant, remains as a monument of the
application, as well as of the genius, of the emperor. The Misopogon,
the Cæsars, several of his orations, and his elaborate work against the
Christian religion, were composed in the long nights of the two winters,
the former of which he passed at Constantinople, and the latter at
Antioch.
The reformation of the Imperial court was one of the first and most
necessary acts of the government of Julian. Soon after his entrance into
the palace of Constantinople, he had occasion for the service of a
barber. An officer, magnificently dressed, immediately presented
himself. "It is a barber," exclaimed the prince, with affected surprise,
"that I want, and not a receiver-general of the finances." He questioned
the man concerning the profits of his employment and was informed, that
besides a large salary, and some valuable perquisites, he enjoyed a
daily allowance for twenty servants, and as many horses. A thousand
barbers, a thousand cup-bearers, a thousand cooks, were distributed in
the several offices of luxury; and the number of eunuchs could be
compared only with the insects of a summer's day. The monarch who
resigned to his subjects the superiority of merit and virtue, was
distinguished by the oppressive magnificence of his dress, his table,
his buildings, and his train. The stately palaces erected by Constantine
and his sons, were decorated with many colored marbles, and ornaments of
massy gold. The most exquisite dainties were procured, to gratify their
pride, rather than their taste; birds of the most distant climates, fish
from the most remote seas, fruits out of their natural season, winter
roses, and summer snows. The domestic crowd of the palace surpassed the
expense of the legions; yet the smallest part of this costly multitude
was subservient to the use, or even to the splendor, of the throne. The
monarch was disgraced, and the people was injured, by the creation and
sale of an infinite number of obscure, and even titular employments; and
the most worthless of mankind might purchase the privilege of being
maintained, without the necessity of labor, from the public revenue. The
waste of an enormous household, the increase of fees and perquisites,
which were soon claimed as a lawful debt, and the bribes which they
extorted from those who feared their enmity, or solicited their favor,
suddenly enriched these haughty menials. They abused their fortune,
without considering their past, or their future, condition; and their
rapine and venality could be equalled only by the extravagance of their
dissipations. Their silken robes were embroidered with gold, their
tables were served with delicacy and profusion; the houses which they
built for their own use, would have covered the farm of an ancient
consul; and the most honorable citizens were obliged to dismount from
their horses, and respectfully to salute a eunuch whom they met on the
public highway. The luxury of the palace excited the contempt and
indignation of Julian, who usually slept on the ground, who yielded with
reluctance to the indispensable calls of nature; and who placed his
vanity, not in emulating, but in despising, the pomp of royalty.
By the total extirpation of a mischief which was magnified even beyond
its real extent, he was impatient to relieve the distress, and to
appease the murmurs of the people; who support with less uneasiness the
weight of taxes, if they are convinced that the fruits of their industry
are appropriated to the service of the state. But in the execution of
this salutary work, Julian is accused of proceeding with too much haste
and inconsiderate severity. By a single edict, he reduced the palace of
Constantinople to an immense desert, and dismissed with ignominy the
whole train of slaves and dependants, without providing any just, or at
least benevolent, exceptions, for the age, the services, or the poverty,
of the faithful domestics of the Imperial family. Such indeed was the
temper of Julian, who seldom recollected the fundamental maxim of
Aristotle, that true virtue is placed at an equal distance between the
opposite vices. The splendid and effeminate dress of the Asiatics, the
curls and paint, the collars and bracelets, which had appeared so
ridiculous in the person of Constantine, were consistently rejected by
his philosophic successor. But with the fopperies, Julian affected to
renounce the decencies of dress; and seemed to value himself for his
neglect of the laws of cleanliness. In a satirical performance, which
was designed for the public eye, the emperor descants with pleasure, and
even with pride, on the length of his nails, and the inky blackness of
his hands; protests, that although the greatest part of his body was
covered with hair, the use of the razor was confined to his head alone;
and celebrates, with visible complacency, the shaggy and populous beard,
which he fondly cherished, after the example of the philosophers of
Greece. Had Julian consulted the simple dictates of reason, the first
magistrate of the Romans would have scorned the affectation of Diogenes,
as well as that of Darius.
But the work of public reformation would have remained imperfect, if
Julian had only corrected the abuses, without punishing the crimes, of
his predecessor's reign. "We are now delivered," says he, in a familiar
letter to one of his intimate friends, "we are now surprisingly
delivered from the voracious jaws of the Hydra. I do not mean to apply
the epithet to my brother Constantius. He is no more; may the earth lie
light on his head! But his artful and cruel favorites studied to deceive
and exasperate a prince, whose natural mildness cannot be praised
without some efforts of adulation. It is not, however, my intention,
that even those men should be oppressed: they are accused, and they
shall enjoy the benefit of a fair and impartial trial." To conduct this
inquiry, Julian named six judges of the highest rank in the state and
army; and as he wished to escape the reproach of condemning his personal
enemies, he fixed this extraordinary tribunal at Chalcedon, on the
Asiatic side of the Bosphorus; and transferred to the commissioners an
absolute power to pronounce and execute their final sentence, without
delay, and without appeal. The office of president was exercised by the
venerable præfect of the East, a second Sallust, whose virtues
conciliated the esteem of Greek sophists, and of Christian bishops. He
was assisted by the eloquent Mamertinus, one of the consuls elect, whose
merit is loudly celebrated by the doubtful evidence of his own applause.
But the civil wisdom of two magistrates was overbalanced by the
ferocious violence of four generals, Nevitta, Agilo, Jovinus, and
Arbetio. Arbetio, whom the public would have seen with less surprise at
the bar than on the bench, was supposed to possess the secret of the
commission; the armed and angry leaders of the Jovian and Herculian
bands encompassed the tribunal; and the judges were alternately swayed
by the laws of justice, and by the clamors of faction.
The chamberlain Eusebius, who had so long abused the favor of
Constantius, expiated, by an ignominious death, the insolence, the
corruption, and cruelty of his servile reign. The executions of Paul and
Apodemius (the former of whom was burnt alive) were accepted as an
inadequate atonement by the widows and orphans of so many hundred
Romans, whom those legal tyrants had betrayed and murdered. But justice
herself (if we may use the pathetic expression of Ammianus ) appeared to
weep over the fate of Ursulus, the treasurer of the empire; and his
blood accused the ingratitude of Julian, whose distress had been
seasonably relieved by the intrepid liberality of that honest minister.
The rage of the soldiers, whom he had provoked by his indiscretion, was
the cause and the excuse of his death; and the emperor, deeply wounded
by his own reproaches and those of the public, offered some consolation
to the family of Ursulus, by the restitution of his confiscated
fortunes. Before the end of the year in which they had been adorned with
the ensigns of the prefecture and consulship, Taurus and Florentius were
reduced to implore the clemency of the inexorable tribunal of Chalcedon.
The former was banished to Vercellæ in Italy, and a sentence of death
was pronounced against the latter. A wise prince should have rewarded
the crime of Taurus: the faithful minister, when he was no longer able
to oppose the progress of a rebel, had taken refuge in the court of his
benefactor and his lawful sovereign. But the guilt of Florentius
justified the severity of the judges; and his escape served to display
the magnanimity of Julian, who nobly checked the interested diligence of
an informer, and refused to learn what place concealed the wretched
fugitive from his just resentment. Some months after the tribunal of
Chalcedon had been dissolved, the prætorian vicegerent of Africa, the
notary Gaudentius, and Artemius duke of Egypt, were executed at Antioch.
Artemius had reigned the cruel and corrupt tyrant of a great province;
Gaudentius had long practised the arts of calumny against the innocent,
the virtuous, and even the person of Julian himself. Yet the
circumstances of their trial and condemnation were so unskillfully
managed, that these wicked men obtained, in the public opinion, the
glory of suffering for the obstinate loyalty with which they had
supported the cause of Constantius. The rest of his servants were
protected by a general act of oblivion; and they were left to enjoy with
impunity the bribes which they had accepted, either to defend the
oppressed, or to oppress the friendless. This measure, which, on the
soundest principles of policy, may deserve our approbation, was executed
in a manner which seemed to degrade the majesty of the throne. Julian
was tormented by the importunities of a multitude, particularly of
Egyptians, who loudly redemanded the gifts which they had imprudently or
illegally bestowed; he foresaw the endless prosecution of vexatious
suits; and he engaged a promise, which ought always to have been sacred,
that if they would repair to Chalcedon, he would meet them in person, to
hear and determine their complaints. But as soon as they were landed, he
issued an absolute order, which prohibited the watermen from
transporting any Egyptian to Constantinople; and thus detained his
disappointed clients on the Asiatic shore till, their patience and money
being utterly exhausted, they were obliged to return with indignant
murmurs to their native country.
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