Gibbon's The Decline And Fall Of The Roman Empire
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Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor. -- Part IV.
The numerous army of spies, of agents, and informers enlisted by
Constantius to secure the repose of one man, and to interrupt that of
millions, was immediately disbanded by his generous successor. Julian
was slow in his suspicions, and gentle in his punishments; and his
contempt of treason was the result of judgment, of vanity, and of
courage. Conscious of superior merit, he was persuaded that few among
his subjects would dare to meet him in the field, to attempt his life,
or even to seat themselves on his vacant throne. The philosopher could
excuse the hasty sallies of discontent; and the hero could despise the
ambitious projects which surpassed the fortune or the abilities of the
rash conspirators. A citizen of Ancyra had prepared for his own use a
purple garment; and this indiscreet action, which, under the reign of
Constantius, would have been considered as a capital offence, was
reported to Julian by the officious importunity of a private enemy. The
monarch, after making some inquiry into the rank and character of his
rival, despatched the informer with a present of a pair of purple
slippers, to complete the magnificence of his Imperial habit. A more
dangerous conspiracy was formed by ten of the domestic guards, who had
resolved to assassinate Julian in the field of exercise near Antioch.
Their intemperance revealed their guilt; and they were conducted in
chains to the presence of their injured sovereign, who, after a lively
representation of the wickedness and folly of their enterprise, instead
of a death of torture, which they deserved and expected, pronounced a
sentence of exile against the two principal offenders. The only instance
in which Julian seemed to depart from his accustomed clemency, was the
execution of a rash youth, who, with a feeble hand, had aspired to seize
the reins of empire. But that youth was the son of Marcellus, the
general of cavalry, who, in the first campaign of the Gallic war, had
deserted the standard of the Cæsar and the republic. Without appearing
to indulge his personal resentment, Julian might easily confound the
crime of the son and of the father; but he was reconciled by the
distress of Marcellus, and the liberality of the emperor endeavored to
heal the wound which had been inflicted by the hand of justice.
Julian was not insensible of the advantages of freedom. From his studies
he had imbibed the spirit of ancient sages and heroes; his life and
fortunes had depended on the caprice of a tyrant; and when he ascended
the throne, his pride was sometimes mortified by the reflection, that
the slaves who would not dare to censure his defects were not worthy to
applaud his virtues. He sincerely abhorred the system of Oriental
despotism, which Diocletian, Constantine, and the patient habits of
fourscore years, had established in the empire. A motive of superstition
prevented the execution of the design, which Julian had frequently
meditated, of relieving his head from the weight of a costly diadem; but
he absolutely refused the title of Dominus, or Lord, a word which was
grown so familiar to the ears of the Romans, that they no longer
remembered its servile and humiliating origin. The office, or rather the
name, of consul, was cherished by a prince who contemplated with
reverence the ruins of the republic; and the same behavior which had
been assumed by the prudence of Augustus was adopted by Julian from
choice and inclination. On the calends of January, at break of day, the
new consuls, Mamertinus and Nevitta, hastened to the palace to salute
the emperor. As soon as he was informed of their approach, he leaped
from his throne, eagerly advanced to meet them, and compelled the
blushing magistrates to receive the demonstrations of his affected
humility. From the palace they proceeded to the senate. The emperor, on
foot, marched before their litters; and the gazing multitude admired the
image of ancient times, or secretly blamed a conduct, which, in their
eyes, degraded the majesty of the purple. But the behavior of Julian was
uniformly supported. During the games of the Circus, he had, imprudently
or designedly, performed the manumission of a slave in the presence of
the consul. The moment he was reminded that he had trespassed on the
jurisdiction of another magistrate, he condemned himself to pay a fine
of ten pounds of gold; and embraced this public occasion of declaring to
the world, that he was subject, like the rest of his fellow-citizens, to
the laws, and even to the forms, of the republic. The spirit of his
administration, and his regard for the place of his nativity, induced
Julian to confer on the senate of Constantinople the same honors,
privileges, and authority, which were still enjoyed by the senate of
ancient Rome. A legal fiction was introduced, and gradually established,
that one half of the national council had migrated into the East; and
the despotic successors of Julian, accepting the title of Senators,
acknowledged themselves the members of a respectable body, which was
permitted to represent the majesty of the Roman name. From
Constantinople, the attention of the monarch was extended to the
municipal senates of the provinces. He abolished, by repeated edicts,
the unjust and pernicious exemptions which had withdrawn so many idle
citizens from the services of their country; and by imposing an equal
distribution of public duties, he restored the strength, the splendor,
or, according to the glowing expression of Libanius, the soul of the
expiring cities of his empire. The venerable age of Greece excited the
most tender compassion in the mind of Julian, which kindled into rapture
when he recollected the gods, the heroes, and the men superior to heroes
and to gods, who have bequeathed to the latest posterity the monuments
of their genius, or the example of their virtues. He relieved the
distress, and restored the beauty, of the cities of Epirus and
Peloponnesus. Athens acknowledged him for her benefactor; Argos, for her
deliverer. The pride of Corinth, again rising from her ruins with the
honors of a Roman colony, exacted a tribute from the adjacent republics,
for the purpose of defraying the games of the Isthmus, which were
celebrated in the amphitheatre with the hunting of bears and panthers.
From this tribute the cities of Elis, of Delphi, and of Argos, which had
inherited from their remote ancestors the sacred office of perpetuating
the Olympic, the Pythian, and the Nemean games, claimed a just
exemption. The immunity of Elis and Delphi was respected by the
Corinthians; but the poverty of Argos tempted the insolence of
oppression; and the feeble complaints of its deputies were silenced by
the decree of a provincial magistrate, who seems to have consulted only
the interest of the capital in which he resided. Seven years after this
sentence, Julian allowed the cause to be referred to a superior
tribunal; and his eloquence was interposed, most probably with success,
in the defence of a city, which had been the royal seat of Agamemnon,
and had given to Macedonia a race of kings and conquerors.
The laborious administration of military and civil affairs, which were
multiplied in proportion to the extent of the empire, exercised the
abilities of Julian; but he frequently assumed the two characters of
Orator and of Judge, which are almost unknown to the modern sovereigns
of Europe. The arts of persuasion, so diligently cultivated by the first
Cæsars, were neglected by the military ignorance and Asiatic pride of
their successors; and if they condescended to harangue the soldiers,
whom they feared, they treated with silent disdain the senators, whom
they despised. The assemblies of the senate, which Constantius had
avoided, were considered by Julian as the place where he could exhibit,
with the most propriety, the maxims of a republican, and the talents of
a rhetorician. He alternately practised, as in a school of declamation,
the several modes of praise, of censure, of exhortation; and his friend
Libanius has remarked, that the study of Homer taught him to imitate the
simple, concise style of Menelaus, the copiousness of Nestor, whose
words descended like the flakes of a winter's snow, or the pathetic and
forcible eloquence of Ulysses. The functions of a judge, which are
sometimes incompatible with those of a prince, were exercised by Julian,
not only as a duty, but as an amusement; and although he might have
trusted the integrity and discernment of his Prætorian præfects, he
often placed himself by their side on the seat of judgment. The acute
penetration of his mind was agreeably occupied in detecting and
defeating the chicanery of the advocates, who labored to disguise the
truths of facts, and to pervert the sense of the laws. He sometimes
forgot the gravity of his station, asked indiscreet or unseasonable
questions, and betrayed, by the loudness of his voice, and the agitation
of his body, the earnest vehemence with which he maintained his opinion
against the judges, the advocates, and their clients. But his knowledge
of his own temper prompted him to encourage, and even to solicit, the
reproof of his friends and ministers; and whenever they ventured to
oppose the irregular sallies of his passions, the spectators could
observe the shame, as well as the gratitude, of their monarch. The
decrees of Julian were almost always founded on the principles of
justice; and he had the firmness to resist the two most dangerous
temptations, which assault the tribunal of a sovereign, under the
specious forms of compassion and equity. He decided the merits of the
cause without weighing the circumstances of the parties; and the poor,
whom he wished to relieve, were condemned to satisfy the just demands of
a wealthy and noble adversary. He carefully distinguished the judge from
the legislator; and though he meditated a necessary reformation of the
Roman jurisprudence, he pronounced sentence according to the strict and
literal interpretation of those laws, which the magistrates were bound
to execute, and the subjects to obey.
The generality of princes, if they were stripped of their purple, and
cast naked into the world, would immediately sink to the lowest rank of
society, without a hope of emerging from their obscurity. But the
personal merit of Julian was, in some measure, independent of his
fortune. Whatever had been his choice of life, by the force of intrepid
courage, lively wit, and intense application, he would have obtained, or
at least he would have deserved, the highest honors of his profession;
and Julian might have raised himself to the rank of minister, or
general, of the state in which he was born a private citizen. If the
jealous caprice of power had disappointed his expectations, if he had
prudently declined the paths of greatness, the employment of the same
talents in studious solitude would have placed beyond the reach of kings
his present happiness and his immortal fame. When we inspect, with
minute, or perhaps malevolent attention, the portrait of Julian,
something seems wanting to the grace and perfection of the whole figure.
His genius was less powerful and sublime than that of Cæsar; nor did he
possess the consummate prudence of Augustus. The virtues of Trajan
appear more steady and natural, and the philosophy of Marcus is more
simple and consistent. Yet Julian sustained adversity with firmness, and
prosperity with moderation. After an interval of one hundred and twenty
years from the death of Alexander Severus, the Romans beheld an emperor
who made no distinction between his duties and his pleasures; who
labored to relieve the distress, and to revive the spirit, of his
subjects; and who endeavored always to connect authority with merit, and
happiness with virtue. Even faction, and religious faction, was
constrained to acknowledge the superiority of his genius, in peace as
well as in war, and to confess, with a sigh, that the apostate Julian
was a lover of his country, and that he deserved the empire of the
world.
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